vidio ini bukanlah rekayasa, melainkan diambil langsung dari yang bersangkutan. semoga vidio diatas bisa menjadi pelajaran bagi kita, agar selalu berhati- hati ketika melakukan sesuatu. kejadia-kejadian diatas bisa terjadi, iyu karna keteledoran korban.
Sunday 23 June 2013
tragedi
vidio ini bukanlah rekayasa, melainkan diambil langsung dari yang bersangkutan. semoga vidio diatas bisa menjadi pelajaran bagi kita, agar selalu berhati- hati ketika melakukan sesuatu. kejadia-kejadian diatas bisa terjadi, iyu karna keteledoran korban.
Friday 21 June 2013
THE PROPHET
THE PROPHET
be his last. Every detail of his actions on this occasion was carefully
noted and imitated by his disciples: the rites and ceremonies which
he had endorsed by his example and presence became standard
Muslim practice. He was now over sixty years of age, and his
health was failing. On his return to Medina, he fell ill and
requested Abu Bakr to lead the prayers in his place. On June 8,
632, he died in the house of A’isha, the best loved of his wives. The
faithful were stricken with grief and incredulity, and the violent and
impetuous Omar threatened to cut off the hands and feet of anyone
who dared assert that the Prophet was dead. This wild ranting was
rebuked by the calm good sense of Abu Bakr, who told the people:
If anyone worships Muhammad, Muhammad is dead, but if anyone
worships God, he is alive and dies not.’ As the Prophet left no son
or any obvious heir, the question at once arose: who was now to
lead his community? An attempt by the Ansar to elect one of their
number was forestalled: Omar seized the hand of Abu Bakr and
called on the people to obey the man whom the Prophet had
appointed to lead the prayers in his absence, and the venerable
friend of Muhammad, who had rarely left his side, was saluted as
the khalifa (caliph), vicar or successor of the Apostle of God.
To delineate the character of this extraordinary man is a task
of extreme difficulty. No contemporary descriptions have reached
us, and the oldest portraits which have survived are hagiographical
in tone. We are told that the Prophet had a stately and
commanding figure, with sad and piercing eyes, that his manner
was normally kind and gentle, that he loved children and animals,
that his habits were so simple that even in his last days in Medina,
when he governed Arabia, he mended his own clothes and cobbled
his own sandals. His piety was sincere and unaffected, and his
honest belief in the reality of his call can be denied only by those
who are prepared to assert that a conscious impostor endured for
ten or twelve years ridicule, abuse and privation, gained the
confidence and affection of upright and intelligent men, and has
since been revered by millions as the principal vehicle of God’s
revelation to man. He disclaimed all pretension to sinlessness and
miracle-working (when asked for a sign, he pointed to the Koran
as the greatest miracle), discouraged superstitious veneration for his
person, and insisted, insofar as was compatible with his claim to
be the Apostle of God, that he was but a man amongst men.
35
THE PROPHET
Yet it would be idle to deny that the Arab prophet has never
been viewed with sympathy and favour by Christians whose ideal
has naturally been the milder and purer figure of Jesus. The losses
which Islam inflicted on Christendom and the propaganda
disseminated during the Crusades were not conducive to an
impartial judgment, and down almost to recent times Muhammad
has been portrayed in controversial literature as a lying deceiver
and a shameless lecher. Absurd stories were circulated and long
believed, such as that he trained a dove to pick seeds of corn from
his ear so as to persuade the people that he was receiving
communications from the Holy Ghost, and that his iron coffin at
Mecca (he was really buried at Medina) was suspended in midair
by the action of powerful loadstones! To the charges that he
‘induced’ revelations to suit his purposes, that he propagated his
creed by the sword, and that he used religion as a cloak for the
satisfaction of his sensual desires, reasonably convincing answers
may be returned. Our modern psychologists, who have explored
the dark recesses of the human mind or rather of the unconscious,
are slow to question the integrity of men of the type of
Muhammad. Notwithstanding his war with Mecca, which was in
the ancient tradition of Arab tribal conflict, he never countenanced
the forcible conversion of Christians or Jews, and laid it down as
a principle that ‘there is no compulsion in religion,’ in consequence
of which Islam has been, on the whole, one of the most tolerant
of creeds. The fiercest censure has been reserved for his sexual
conduct, but it may be observed that so long as Khadija lived, he
took no other wife, and that of the ten or twelve women he
subsequently married, the majority were widows whose husbands
had fallen in his cause and for whom he might feel obliged to
provide. The four lawful wives permitted to the Muslim believer
is, in fact, a restriction on the licence of pagan Arabia, which set
no legal limits of polygamy. Yet his love of women is not denied
by his biographers, and his personal preferences are artlessly
revealed in the Koranic picture of a paradise where the pious
faithful are refreshed with delicious fruits and caressed by huris,
black-eyed girls of eternal youth and beauty.
The religious system which he constructed was the purest and
most uncompromising monotheism. Islam rests upon ‘five pillars,’
the shahada, or profession of faith, ‘There is no god but God and
36
THE PROPHET
Muhammad is his Apostle,’ the salat, or daily worship, ultimately
fixed at five prayers, the sawm, or fast of Ramadan, the zakat, or
alms, one-tenth of the believer’s income being payable to charitable
purposes and the hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, to be undertaken
taken at least once in a lifetime. His God is an almighty Creator,
an arbitrary though merciful despot, who has revealed himself to
man successively through the Tawrat, or law of Moses, the Zabur,
or psalms of David, the Injil, gospel or evangel of Jesus, and finally
and completely through the Koran of Muhammad. Allah, the
embodiment of mighty will rather than of moral righteousness,
demands no sacrifice or atonement for sin; no mediator, redeemer
or saviour interposes between him and man, and Islam knows no
sacraments or priesthood. Jesus is venerated as a noble prophet,
miraculously conceived and endowed with the power of raising the
dead to life, but the crucifixion is a myth, a substitute having been
nailed to the cross in his place, and on the Day of Judgment he will
repudiate those who have perversely treated him as divine.
At Medina Muhammad was, like Moses, at once prophet, prince
and legislator. The distinction between civil and religious authority
was unknown in the Semitic East, and the Koran is both a body of
doctrine and a code of regulation. The life of the Muslim, like that
of the Jew, was guided by the Law (shari’a, or path), which being
divinely revealed, could never be repealed or modified, and the
reforms which the Prophet enacted in the name of Allah in seventhcentury
Arabia, are now, thirteen centuries later, a hindrance to the
progress of the Muslim nations. The withdrawal of liberty of divorce
from women and the use of the veil might be calculated in their day
to raise the level of public morality, but they have survived into a
different age, along with such ancient institutions as concubinage and
slavery, which also received the sanction of the Koran.
The inquirer who seeks an explanation of the great revolutions
of history is often driven to attach almost equal weight to the
personalities of the leading actors and the peculiar circumstances of
their time, which favoured the fullest deployment of their talents, and
he may well accept the conclusion, that vast changes are produced
neither by the operation of blind forces nor by the genius and will
of great men, but by a subtle and unpredictable combination of the
two. Without Muhammad, there would have been no Arab Empire;
yet in a different age and situation, the Prophet of Islam might have
be his last. Every detail of his actions on this occasion was carefully
noted and imitated by his disciples: the rites and ceremonies which
he had endorsed by his example and presence became standard
Muslim practice. He was now over sixty years of age, and his
health was failing. On his return to Medina, he fell ill and
requested Abu Bakr to lead the prayers in his place. On June 8,
632, he died in the house of A’isha, the best loved of his wives. The
faithful were stricken with grief and incredulity, and the violent and
impetuous Omar threatened to cut off the hands and feet of anyone
who dared assert that the Prophet was dead. This wild ranting was
rebuked by the calm good sense of Abu Bakr, who told the people:
If anyone worships Muhammad, Muhammad is dead, but if anyone
worships God, he is alive and dies not.’ As the Prophet left no son
or any obvious heir, the question at once arose: who was now to
lead his community? An attempt by the Ansar to elect one of their
number was forestalled: Omar seized the hand of Abu Bakr and
called on the people to obey the man whom the Prophet had
appointed to lead the prayers in his absence, and the venerable
friend of Muhammad, who had rarely left his side, was saluted as
the khalifa (caliph), vicar or successor of the Apostle of God.
To delineate the character of this extraordinary man is a task
of extreme difficulty. No contemporary descriptions have reached
us, and the oldest portraits which have survived are hagiographical
in tone. We are told that the Prophet had a stately and
commanding figure, with sad and piercing eyes, that his manner
was normally kind and gentle, that he loved children and animals,
that his habits were so simple that even in his last days in Medina,
when he governed Arabia, he mended his own clothes and cobbled
his own sandals. His piety was sincere and unaffected, and his
honest belief in the reality of his call can be denied only by those
who are prepared to assert that a conscious impostor endured for
ten or twelve years ridicule, abuse and privation, gained the
confidence and affection of upright and intelligent men, and has
since been revered by millions as the principal vehicle of God’s
revelation to man. He disclaimed all pretension to sinlessness and
miracle-working (when asked for a sign, he pointed to the Koran
as the greatest miracle), discouraged superstitious veneration for his
person, and insisted, insofar as was compatible with his claim to
be the Apostle of God, that he was but a man amongst men.
35
THE PROPHET
Yet it would be idle to deny that the Arab prophet has never
been viewed with sympathy and favour by Christians whose ideal
has naturally been the milder and purer figure of Jesus. The losses
which Islam inflicted on Christendom and the propaganda
disseminated during the Crusades were not conducive to an
impartial judgment, and down almost to recent times Muhammad
has been portrayed in controversial literature as a lying deceiver
and a shameless lecher. Absurd stories were circulated and long
believed, such as that he trained a dove to pick seeds of corn from
his ear so as to persuade the people that he was receiving
communications from the Holy Ghost, and that his iron coffin at
Mecca (he was really buried at Medina) was suspended in midair
by the action of powerful loadstones! To the charges that he
‘induced’ revelations to suit his purposes, that he propagated his
creed by the sword, and that he used religion as a cloak for the
satisfaction of his sensual desires, reasonably convincing answers
may be returned. Our modern psychologists, who have explored
the dark recesses of the human mind or rather of the unconscious,
are slow to question the integrity of men of the type of
Muhammad. Notwithstanding his war with Mecca, which was in
the ancient tradition of Arab tribal conflict, he never countenanced
the forcible conversion of Christians or Jews, and laid it down as
a principle that ‘there is no compulsion in religion,’ in consequence
of which Islam has been, on the whole, one of the most tolerant
of creeds. The fiercest censure has been reserved for his sexual
conduct, but it may be observed that so long as Khadija lived, he
took no other wife, and that of the ten or twelve women he
subsequently married, the majority were widows whose husbands
had fallen in his cause and for whom he might feel obliged to
provide. The four lawful wives permitted to the Muslim believer
is, in fact, a restriction on the licence of pagan Arabia, which set
no legal limits of polygamy. Yet his love of women is not denied
by his biographers, and his personal preferences are artlessly
revealed in the Koranic picture of a paradise where the pious
faithful are refreshed with delicious fruits and caressed by huris,
black-eyed girls of eternal youth and beauty.
The religious system which he constructed was the purest and
most uncompromising monotheism. Islam rests upon ‘five pillars,’
the shahada, or profession of faith, ‘There is no god but God and
36
THE PROPHET
Muhammad is his Apostle,’ the salat, or daily worship, ultimately
fixed at five prayers, the sawm, or fast of Ramadan, the zakat, or
alms, one-tenth of the believer’s income being payable to charitable
purposes and the hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, to be undertaken
taken at least once in a lifetime. His God is an almighty Creator,
an arbitrary though merciful despot, who has revealed himself to
man successively through the Tawrat, or law of Moses, the Zabur,
or psalms of David, the Injil, gospel or evangel of Jesus, and finally
and completely through the Koran of Muhammad. Allah, the
embodiment of mighty will rather than of moral righteousness,
demands no sacrifice or atonement for sin; no mediator, redeemer
or saviour interposes between him and man, and Islam knows no
sacraments or priesthood. Jesus is venerated as a noble prophet,
miraculously conceived and endowed with the power of raising the
dead to life, but the crucifixion is a myth, a substitute having been
nailed to the cross in his place, and on the Day of Judgment he will
repudiate those who have perversely treated him as divine.
At Medina Muhammad was, like Moses, at once prophet, prince
and legislator. The distinction between civil and religious authority
was unknown in the Semitic East, and the Koran is both a body of
doctrine and a code of regulation. The life of the Muslim, like that
of the Jew, was guided by the Law (shari’a, or path), which being
divinely revealed, could never be repealed or modified, and the
reforms which the Prophet enacted in the name of Allah in seventhcentury
Arabia, are now, thirteen centuries later, a hindrance to the
progress of the Muslim nations. The withdrawal of liberty of divorce
from women and the use of the veil might be calculated in their day
to raise the level of public morality, but they have survived into a
different age, along with such ancient institutions as concubinage and
slavery, which also received the sanction of the Koran.
The inquirer who seeks an explanation of the great revolutions
of history is often driven to attach almost equal weight to the
personalities of the leading actors and the peculiar circumstances of
their time, which favoured the fullest deployment of their talents, and
he may well accept the conclusion, that vast changes are produced
neither by the operation of blind forces nor by the genius and will
of great men, but by a subtle and unpredictable combination of the
two. Without Muhammad, there would have been no Arab Empire;
yet in a different age and situation, the Prophet of Islam might have
Sejarah Abadi
wawoo
which can be rendered as “medical master,” and tölgechin with pu-jen,
“diviner” or “soothsayer.”3 As Roná-Tas rightly concludes, bö’e is the generic
term for shaman, while tölgechin designates the more specialized diviner. The
difference between the two is substantial: the bö’e/shaman conducts his business
by means of spiritual quests or trips, and the tölgechin/diviner through a
search for signs provided by burnt bones, bird flights, dreams, or even dice.4
Of the two, the bö’e enjoyed the higher status in Mongolian culture, but
both were extensively used by all segments of the populace. They of course
treated the sick, but are most often encountered divining.5 Their ability to
foretell the future was greatly prized and a crucial element in Mongolian political
culture. Future events, the rise of Chinggis Qan, the outcome of battles
were divined by anomalies of nature, reading stalks and, most frequently, by
scapulmancy: reading cracks on the burnt shoulder blades of sheep.6 Chinggis
Qan himself, according to Muslim tradition, read sheep bones during his campaigns
in India.7 Indeed, government business at large was conducted by such
methods. In the testimony of Rubruck, policy initiatives and the placement of
new encampments were in the hands of diviners.8
At one point, early in his career, Chinggis Qan had a chief shaman,
Kököchü, or Teb Tenggeri, who “revealed secrets and future events” and who
reported “heavenly foretokens” about future political developments.9 He soon
ran foul of the Mongol leader because of interference in family matters. He
was killed in 1206 and there seems to have been no replacement; very likely
Chinggis Qan and his successors preferred second opinions, alternative visions
of the future.
At first glance, this apparent reliance on divination may seem surprising for
so successful a political enterprise. But this is a modernist misunderstanding.
In Moore’s words, divination has a “positive latent function, that is, even
though magic fails to achieve its manifest ends, except by accident or coincidence,
it serves its practitioners and/or their society in other critically important
ways.”10 These other ways have been clearly delineated by Park:
printing
printing
largely confined to the chung-t’ung bills, since he began his embassy to the Ilqans
sometime after 1283.
A few details on the production of ch’ao in China are reported in the
sources. According to the Yuan shih, paper money was printed by wood blocks
until 1275, when they shifted to bronze (t’ung).14 One such bronze plate has
survived, as have a very few specimens of chung-t’ung and chih-yuan bills.15
From the timing of this shift it is apparent that Bolad was probably familiar
with both methods of printing ch’ao. For our immediate purposes,
however, the more important question is how chaw was produced in Iran. In
describing the preparation of paper money, Rashıd al-Dın uses a number of
terms: Geikhatu orders “that they complete [tamum kunand] it rapidly”; amırs
are sent to Tabrız “for the issuance [ba-jihat-i ijra¨] of chaw”; and when they
arrived there the amırs “arranged for [tartıb kardand] much chaw.”16 There is,
then, in this wording no hint of the underlying technology, no reference to
“stamping,” much less to “printing.”
It is certain, however, that chaw was produced by block printing, since no
other method was possible or feasible. Moreover, Rashıd al-Dın was fully
informed about the Chinese technique. In the introduction to his History of
China he describes in detail the procedure: first, he says, they copy a page of a
book on plates (lawh-ha); second, the transfer is corrected by scholars; third,
engravers cut out the characters; fourth, each block is numbered and placed
in a bag secured with a seal; last, whenever someone desires a copy “they bring
out the plates of the book and, as [in minting] gold money, they impress the
plates on leaves of paper [awraq-i kaghaz].”17 Elsewhere in his writings Rashıd
al-Dın records that the plates are of wood and that the paper was made from
the bark of mulberry bushes.18
These passages, it deserves to be stressed, constituted, in their own day, and
for some time thereafter, the fullest and most detailed statements about the
methods of Chinese printing in any language,
includingChinese!19 Naturally,
the origin of Rashıd’s very accurate information is of interest.While in neither
case does he cite a source, we can confidently invoke Bolad once again. Not
only did he inform the Il-qan court about ch’ao, but the Chinese sources indicate
that he was an enthusiastic supporter of printing. In 1273 Bolad, as
Grand Supervisor of Agriculture, and Liu Ping-chung memorialized the
Printing 179
14 YS, ch. 93, p. 2370, and Schurmann, Economic Structure, p. 139.
15 L. Carrington Goodrich, “A Bronze Block for the Printing of Chinese Paper Currency,”
American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 4 (1950), 127–30; V. N. Kazin, “K istorii Kharakhoto,”
Trudy gosudarstvennogo Ermitazha 5 (1961), 282–83; and Rintchen, “A propos du
papier-monnaie mongol,” AOASH 4 (1954), 159 and 163. 16 Rashıd/Jahn I, p. 87.
17 Rashıd al-Dın, Die Chinageschichte, folio 393r, tafel 4, Persian text, and p. 24, German translation.
For a full English translation, taken from the history of Banakatı, Tarıkh, pp. 338–39,
who repeats Rashıd’s description word for word, see Browne, Literary History of Persia, vol.
III, pp. 102–3.
18 Rashıd al-Dın, Tanksuq-namah, pp. 36–37, and Jahn, “Some Ideas of Rashıd al-Dın on
Chinese Culture,” 145–46. 19 Tsien, in Needham, SCC, vol. V, pt. 1, pp. 306–7
largely confined to the chung-t’ung bills, since he began his embassy to the Ilqans
sometime after 1283.
A few details on the production of ch’ao in China are reported in the
sources. According to the Yuan shih, paper money was printed by wood blocks
until 1275, when they shifted to bronze (t’ung).14 One such bronze plate has
survived, as have a very few specimens of chung-t’ung and chih-yuan bills.15
From the timing of this shift it is apparent that Bolad was probably familiar
with both methods of printing ch’ao. For our immediate purposes,
however, the more important question is how chaw was produced in Iran. In
describing the preparation of paper money, Rashıd al-Dın uses a number of
terms: Geikhatu orders “that they complete [tamum kunand] it rapidly”; amırs
are sent to Tabrız “for the issuance [ba-jihat-i ijra¨] of chaw”; and when they
arrived there the amırs “arranged for [tartıb kardand] much chaw.”16 There is,
then, in this wording no hint of the underlying technology, no reference to
“stamping,” much less to “printing.”
It is certain, however, that chaw was produced by block printing, since no
other method was possible or feasible. Moreover, Rashıd al-Dın was fully
informed about the Chinese technique. In the introduction to his History of
China he describes in detail the procedure: first, he says, they copy a page of a
book on plates (lawh-ha); second, the transfer is corrected by scholars; third,
engravers cut out the characters; fourth, each block is numbered and placed
in a bag secured with a seal; last, whenever someone desires a copy “they bring
out the plates of the book and, as [in minting] gold money, they impress the
plates on leaves of paper [awraq-i kaghaz].”17 Elsewhere in his writings Rashıd
al-Dın records that the plates are of wood and that the paper was made from
the bark of mulberry bushes.18
These passages, it deserves to be stressed, constituted, in their own day, and
for some time thereafter, the fullest and most detailed statements about the
methods of Chinese printing in any language,
includingChinese!19 Naturally,
the origin of Rashıd’s very accurate information is of interest.While in neither
case does he cite a source, we can confidently invoke Bolad once again. Not
only did he inform the Il-qan court about ch’ao, but the Chinese sources indicate
that he was an enthusiastic supporter of printing. In 1273 Bolad, as
Grand Supervisor of Agriculture, and Liu Ping-chung memorialized the
Printing 179
14 YS, ch. 93, p. 2370, and Schurmann, Economic Structure, p. 139.
15 L. Carrington Goodrich, “A Bronze Block for the Printing of Chinese Paper Currency,”
American Numismatic Society Museum Notes 4 (1950), 127–30; V. N. Kazin, “K istorii Kharakhoto,”
Trudy gosudarstvennogo Ermitazha 5 (1961), 282–83; and Rintchen, “A propos du
papier-monnaie mongol,” AOASH 4 (1954), 159 and 163. 16 Rashıd/Jahn I, p. 87.
17 Rashıd al-Dın, Die Chinageschichte, folio 393r, tafel 4, Persian text, and p. 24, German translation.
For a full English translation, taken from the history of Banakatı, Tarıkh, pp. 338–39,
who repeats Rashıd’s description word for word, see Browne, Literary History of Persia, vol.
III, pp. 102–3.
18 Rashıd al-Dın, Tanksuq-namah, pp. 36–37, and Jahn, “Some Ideas of Rashıd al-Dın on
Chinese Culture,” 145–46. 19 Tsien, in Needham, SCC, vol. V, pt. 1, pp. 306–7
sejarah kuno
sejarah kuno
between Chinese and Muslim astronomers all across Eurasia – in China,
Tibet, central Asia, and Transcaucasia – but was there exchange and borrowing?
This, as usual, is not easily answered; clearly, there is no general formula
that accurately describes the situation. It is best, therefore, to look at specifics.
To begin with the Muslim scientific literature deposited in the Imperial
Library Directorate, there is no indication that these works had any appreciable
influence on Chinese astronomy or mathematics. Further, during the
Yuan at least, there is no evidence to suggest that they were translated in part
or in whole into Chinese. They seem to have formed the working library of
Jamal al-Dın and his West Asian associates who made their calculations and
observations along traditional Hellenistic and Islamic lines. In short, these
works were not intended to “inform” Chinese scientists and so far as we know
no Chinese scholar of the period showed any interest in them.65
As regards instrumentation, it has been suggested by Needham that among
Kuo Shou-ching’s instruments there was an equatorial mounting. This he
believes was stimulated in part by a Muslim and European instrument known
as a torquedum. Kuo’s version was called the “simplified instrument” in
Chinese because it eliminated the ecliptic components and retained, following
Chinese tradition, the system of equatorial coordinates. This, Needham and
others have argued, anticipates Tycho Brahe and the equatorial mountings of
modern telescopes.66
On the whole, however, Needham detects little of Muslim influence on
Chinese astronomy either in instrumentation, system of coordinates, methods
of computation, or the Ptolemaic planetary model. He does leave open the
possibility of Muslim influence on Chinese techniques of calendar computation.
67 But, even here, there is not much evidence in hand to make such a case.
The official calendar of the Yuan was the Shou-shih li, “Calendar for F ixing
the Seasons.” This was compiled by Kuo Shou-ching with the aid of a large
team of observers and specialists. The calendar was promulgated in 1281 and
remained the official calendar of China until the end of the Ming. The consensus
opinion of historians of Chinese science is that this calendar betrays
no obvious foreign influence and appears to have been compiled on the basis
of traditional Chinese methods.68
While I cannot address these issues on a technical level, it is certainly
beyond dispute that the Ming dynasty, which followed the Mongols, exhibited
a lively and sustained interest in Muslim astronomy, astrology, and calendars.
The legacy was therefore mainly institutional rather than scientific or
technological.
In the first place, the Ming continued the Institute of Muslim Astronomy
172 Cultural exchange
65 Cf. the discussion of Peter M. Engelfriet, Euclid in China (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998), pp. 73–75.
66 Joseph Needham, “The Peking Observatory in AD 1280 and the Development of the
Equatorial Mounting,” Vistas in Astronomy 1 (1955), 67–83. See also the comments of M. C.
Johnson, “Greek, Moslem and Chinese Instrument Designs in the Surviving Mongol
Equatorials of 1279 AD,” Isis 32 (1940), 27–43. 67 Needham, SCC, vol. III, pp. 372–82.
68 Ho Peng-yoke, “Kuo Shou-ching,” in de Rachewiltz
between Chinese and Muslim astronomers all across Eurasia – in China,
Tibet, central Asia, and Transcaucasia – but was there exchange and borrowing?
This, as usual, is not easily answered; clearly, there is no general formula
that accurately describes the situation. It is best, therefore, to look at specifics.
To begin with the Muslim scientific literature deposited in the Imperial
Library Directorate, there is no indication that these works had any appreciable
influence on Chinese astronomy or mathematics. Further, during the
Yuan at least, there is no evidence to suggest that they were translated in part
or in whole into Chinese. They seem to have formed the working library of
Jamal al-Dın and his West Asian associates who made their calculations and
observations along traditional Hellenistic and Islamic lines. In short, these
works were not intended to “inform” Chinese scientists and so far as we know
no Chinese scholar of the period showed any interest in them.65
As regards instrumentation, it has been suggested by Needham that among
Kuo Shou-ching’s instruments there was an equatorial mounting. This he
believes was stimulated in part by a Muslim and European instrument known
as a torquedum. Kuo’s version was called the “simplified instrument” in
Chinese because it eliminated the ecliptic components and retained, following
Chinese tradition, the system of equatorial coordinates. This, Needham and
others have argued, anticipates Tycho Brahe and the equatorial mountings of
modern telescopes.66
On the whole, however, Needham detects little of Muslim influence on
Chinese astronomy either in instrumentation, system of coordinates, methods
of computation, or the Ptolemaic planetary model. He does leave open the
possibility of Muslim influence on Chinese techniques of calendar computation.
67 But, even here, there is not much evidence in hand to make such a case.
The official calendar of the Yuan was the Shou-shih li, “Calendar for F ixing
the Seasons.” This was compiled by Kuo Shou-ching with the aid of a large
team of observers and specialists. The calendar was promulgated in 1281 and
remained the official calendar of China until the end of the Ming. The consensus
opinion of historians of Chinese science is that this calendar betrays
no obvious foreign influence and appears to have been compiled on the basis
of traditional Chinese methods.68
While I cannot address these issues on a technical level, it is certainly
beyond dispute that the Ming dynasty, which followed the Mongols, exhibited
a lively and sustained interest in Muslim astronomy, astrology, and calendars.
The legacy was therefore mainly institutional rather than scientific or
technological.
In the first place, the Ming continued the Institute of Muslim Astronomy
172 Cultural exchange
65 Cf. the discussion of Peter M. Engelfriet, Euclid in China (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998), pp. 73–75.
66 Joseph Needham, “The Peking Observatory in AD 1280 and the Development of the
Equatorial Mounting,” Vistas in Astronomy 1 (1955), 67–83. See also the comments of M. C.
Johnson, “Greek, Moslem and Chinese Instrument Designs in the Surviving Mongol
Equatorials of 1279 AD,” Isis 32 (1940), 27–43. 67 Needham, SCC, vol. III, pp. 372–82.
68 Ho Peng-yoke, “Kuo Shou-ching,” in de Rachewiltz
astronomi
astronomi
Built on a leveled-off hill to the south of Tabrız, the complex contained numerous
buildings, a library, and an astronomical observatory equipped with
various instruments, a quadrant, armillary sphere, etc. Funded in part by vaqf
revenues, the observatory also served as a training center for astronomers.11 Its
first director, Nasır al-Dın Tusı, and his associates also received generous stipends
and “shares.”12 Often seen as the apex of Islamic observatories,
Maraghah had a long life because Hülegü’s successors maintained some interest
in its work.13 When its operations ceased is not known precisely but it was
still active when Öljeitü visited the site in 1304.14
Assembled at Maraghah were scientific works in diverse languages and scientists
from many parts of Eurasia. All the educational and scientific work at
the observatory was under the direction of the famed mathematician and
astronomer Nasır al-Dın Tusı, whom Hülegü “rescued” from the Isma¨ılıs.15
And, most important from our perspective, Hülegü ordered Tusı to collaborate
with the Chinese astronomers he had brought from the East. More particularly,
Tusı and his Chinese colleague Fum.njı were to teach one another
their respective astronomical traditions and techniques. Tusı, according to
Rashıd al-Dın, rapidly mastered Chinese astronomy.16
The major by-product of this compelled collaboration was the famous Zıji
Il-khanı, “Astronomical Tables of the Il-qans.” According to the Persian
sources the Zıj was compiled by a team of Muslim scholars, which included,
in addition to Tusı, Mu¨ayyad al-Dın ¨Arudı, Fakhr al-Dın Akhlatı, and
Najm al-Dın Qazvını.17 No Chinese are named but it is clear that Fum.njı and
associates were deeply involved in the project.18 This is evident from Tusı’s
extensive knowledge of the Chinese calendrical system. In the treatment of
this system the Zıj makes extensive use of Chinese technical vocabulary. For
example, the three cycles of the sexagenary system are properly called “upper
beginning [shang v.n, Chinese shang-yuan],” “middle beginning [jung v.n,
Chinese chung-yuan],” and “lower beginning [kha v.n, Chinese hsia-yuan].” A
longer period of time is called a v.n, which answers to the Chinese wan,
“10,000.” Further, the Zıj gives the Chinese names for the ten celestial stems
and twelve earthly branches that make up the sexagenary cycle. For example,
the year 1203 is designated as kuı khaı, the Chinese kuei-hai.19
The purpose of the Chinese material was the preparation of conversion
Astronomy 163
11 The best history of Maraghah is Sayili, The Observatory in Islam, pp. 187–223.
12 Rashıd/Jahn I, p. 8. 13 Ibid., p. 75. 14 Qashanı/Hambly, p. 41.
15 Bar Hebraeus, pp. 2 and 451.
16 Rashıd al-Dın, Chinageschichte, folio 392r, tafel 2, Persian text, and p. 22, German translation.
17 Hamd-Allah MustawfıQazvını, The Ta©rıkh-i Guzıdah or “Select History,” ed. by E. G. Browne
and R. A. Nicholson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, and London: Luzac, 1913), pt. II, p. 143.
18 The introduction to the Zıj notes that Tusı assembled scholars and books from many lands to
prepare the tables. See John A. Boyle, tr., “The Longer Introduction to the Zıj-i Ilkhanı of
Nasir-ad-dın Tusı,” Journal of Semitic Studies 8 (1963), 246–47.
19 Rashıd al-Dın, Chinageschichte, folio 393v, tafel 5, Persian text, and pp. 22–23, German translation,
and Boyle, “The Longer Introduction to the Zıj-i Ilkhanı,” p. 248, Persian text, and
pp. 250–51, English translation.
Built on a leveled-off hill to the south of Tabrız, the complex contained numerous
buildings, a library, and an astronomical observatory equipped with
various instruments, a quadrant, armillary sphere, etc. Funded in part by vaqf
revenues, the observatory also served as a training center for astronomers.11 Its
first director, Nasır al-Dın Tusı, and his associates also received generous stipends
and “shares.”12 Often seen as the apex of Islamic observatories,
Maraghah had a long life because Hülegü’s successors maintained some interest
in its work.13 When its operations ceased is not known precisely but it was
still active when Öljeitü visited the site in 1304.14
Assembled at Maraghah were scientific works in diverse languages and scientists
from many parts of Eurasia. All the educational and scientific work at
the observatory was under the direction of the famed mathematician and
astronomer Nasır al-Dın Tusı, whom Hülegü “rescued” from the Isma¨ılıs.15
And, most important from our perspective, Hülegü ordered Tusı to collaborate
with the Chinese astronomers he had brought from the East. More particularly,
Tusı and his Chinese colleague Fum.njı were to teach one another
their respective astronomical traditions and techniques. Tusı, according to
Rashıd al-Dın, rapidly mastered Chinese astronomy.16
The major by-product of this compelled collaboration was the famous Zıji
Il-khanı, “Astronomical Tables of the Il-qans.” According to the Persian
sources the Zıj was compiled by a team of Muslim scholars, which included,
in addition to Tusı, Mu¨ayyad al-Dın ¨Arudı, Fakhr al-Dın Akhlatı, and
Najm al-Dın Qazvını.17 No Chinese are named but it is clear that Fum.njı and
associates were deeply involved in the project.18 This is evident from Tusı’s
extensive knowledge of the Chinese calendrical system. In the treatment of
this system the Zıj makes extensive use of Chinese technical vocabulary. For
example, the three cycles of the sexagenary system are properly called “upper
beginning [shang v.n, Chinese shang-yuan],” “middle beginning [jung v.n,
Chinese chung-yuan],” and “lower beginning [kha v.n, Chinese hsia-yuan].” A
longer period of time is called a v.n, which answers to the Chinese wan,
“10,000.” Further, the Zıj gives the Chinese names for the ten celestial stems
and twelve earthly branches that make up the sexagenary cycle. For example,
the year 1203 is designated as kuı khaı, the Chinese kuei-hai.19
The purpose of the Chinese material was the preparation of conversion
Astronomy 163
11 The best history of Maraghah is Sayili, The Observatory in Islam, pp. 187–223.
12 Rashıd/Jahn I, p. 8. 13 Ibid., p. 75. 14 Qashanı/Hambly, p. 41.
15 Bar Hebraeus, pp. 2 and 451.
16 Rashıd al-Dın, Chinageschichte, folio 392r, tafel 2, Persian text, and p. 22, German translation.
17 Hamd-Allah MustawfıQazvını, The Ta©rıkh-i Guzıdah or “Select History,” ed. by E. G. Browne
and R. A. Nicholson (Leiden: E. J. Brill, and London: Luzac, 1913), pt. II, p. 143.
18 The introduction to the Zıj notes that Tusı assembled scholars and books from many lands to
prepare the tables. See John A. Boyle, tr., “The Longer Introduction to the Zıj-i Ilkhanı of
Nasir-ad-dın Tusı,” Journal of Semitic Studies 8 (1963), 246–47.
19 Rashıd al-Dın, Chinageschichte, folio 393v, tafel 5, Persian text, and pp. 22–23, German translation,
and Boyle, “The Longer Introduction to the Zıj-i Ilkhanı,” p. 248, Persian text, and
pp. 250–51, English translation.
peradaban sejarah
1. Years and seasons 14. Destruction of pests
2. Water, land, and weather 15. Domesticated fowl
3. Types of cultivation, their timing 16. Domesticated and wild animals
and method 17. Honeybees
4. Canals and irrigation 18. Crop failures and their
5. Dams and their construction . prevention
(missing in the Arabic text) 19. Storing of seed, cereal,
6. Seeds and roots . wine, etc.
7. Seed plants and root crops 20. Construction of houses,
8. Trees, local and foreign . forts, etc.
9. Tree grafting 21. Construction of ships,
10. Fertilizer . bridges, etc.
11. Melons, vegetables, and herbs 22. Qualities of different animals
12. Wheat, barley, and cereals 23. Methods of mining
13. Cash crops, cotton, etc. 24. Properties of metals and gems
As it has come down to us, however, the Athar va Ahya© includes only the
purely agricultural sections; those on construction, irrigation, mining, architecture,
and animal husbandry are missing.17
From our perspective, of course, what is most interesting is that in the surviving
portions of the text the data on Chinese agriculture is so extensive and
so detailed that it invites the suspicion that Rashıd al-Dın had access, albeit
indirect, to the vast Chinese literature on agronomy.
The Yuan dynasty, founded by nomads, was, somewhat ironically, rich in
agriculturalmanuals. Two of them, the Nung-shu of WangChen, issued in 1313,
and the Nung-sang i-shih ts’uo-yao of Lu Ming-shen, issued in 1314, are obviously
too late, sinceRashıd al-Dın’smanualwas begun in Ghazan’s reign.18 The
most likely candidate for the agricultural information is the Nung-sang chi-yao,
“Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture,” issued in 1273 by the Office of the
Grand Supervisor of Agriculture. It was compiled by a committee of Chinese
officials who drew heavily on earlier manuals, especially the Ch’i-min yao-shu
of AD 535, to which they added a small amount of new data based on
recent experience. For the most part t
2. Water, land, and weather 15. Domesticated fowl
3. Types of cultivation, their timing 16. Domesticated and wild animals
and method 17. Honeybees
4. Canals and irrigation 18. Crop failures and their
5. Dams and their construction . prevention
(missing in the Arabic text) 19. Storing of seed, cereal,
6. Seeds and roots . wine, etc.
7. Seed plants and root crops 20. Construction of houses,
8. Trees, local and foreign . forts, etc.
9. Tree grafting 21. Construction of ships,
10. Fertilizer . bridges, etc.
11. Melons, vegetables, and herbs 22. Qualities of different animals
12. Wheat, barley, and cereals 23. Methods of mining
13. Cash crops, cotton, etc. 24. Properties of metals and gems
As it has come down to us, however, the Athar va Ahya© includes only the
purely agricultural sections; those on construction, irrigation, mining, architecture,
and animal husbandry are missing.17
From our perspective, of course, what is most interesting is that in the surviving
portions of the text the data on Chinese agriculture is so extensive and
so detailed that it invites the suspicion that Rashıd al-Dın had access, albeit
indirect, to the vast Chinese literature on agronomy.
The Yuan dynasty, founded by nomads, was, somewhat ironically, rich in
agriculturalmanuals. Two of them, the Nung-shu of WangChen, issued in 1313,
and the Nung-sang i-shih ts’uo-yao of Lu Ming-shen, issued in 1314, are obviously
too late, sinceRashıd al-Dın’smanualwas begun in Ghazan’s reign.18 The
most likely candidate for the agricultural information is the Nung-sang chi-yao,
“Essentials of Agriculture and Sericulture,” issued in 1273 by the Office of the
Grand Supervisor of Agriculture. It was compiled by a committee of Chinese
officials who drew heavily on earlier manuals, especially the Ch’i-min yao-shu
of AD 535, to which they added a small amount of new data based on
recent experience. For the most part t
Geography and cartography 113
Geography and cartography 113
the grid system, and that the next was the map included in Hafiz-i Abru’s treatise
of 1420. The earliest grid, however, goes back to the beginning of the thirteenth
century and is found on a map prepared by Muhammad ibn Najıb
Bakran, a native of Tus, in 1208. This map was composed on cloth and its data
derived from old astronomical tables which Bakran, by his own testimony,
says he carefully collated to eliminate errors.40 The map itself is lost but
Bakran describes its character and techniques in great detail in his Jahann
amah or “World Book.” He begins by explaining the different colors and
symbols used to indicate boundary markers, cities, rivers, seas, deserts, mountains,
and climes (aqalım). He then states that the “many red lines, some
[running] from the east to the west and some from the north to the south, these
are the lines [khutut] of longitude [tul] and latitude [¨arz],” and adds that the
“great advantage” of his map is that “by means of longitude and latitude the
location of each city can be determined.”41 Thus, 130 years before Mustawfı,
Muslims used the graticule and this of course fatally undermines the theory
that this was a uniquely Chinese technique that flowed west to Iran under the
Mongols. Or, to put it another way, the map Jamal al-Dın presented to the
throne in 1267, with its color code and grid system, had a well-established
precedent in the Muslim world.42
The issue of transfer of technique aside, exchange of geographical knowledge
between China and Iran had a lasting legacy. Kwon Kun’s map of 1402
established a most interesting tradition in Korea; henceforth there was a widespread
popularity of maps and atlases in Korean culture which from the inception
always had a “global” dimension.43 More consequentially, as Adshead
has argued, one of the most important contributions of the Middle Ages to
the creation of the modern world system was the diffusion and “integration of
geographical information,” a body of knowledge that once in existence
became a “permanent” feature of the new world order.44 And, undeniably, the
Mongolian Empire played a critical role in the promotion, creation, and circulation
of such knowledge. Sometimes this rapid extension of horizons is
linked exclusively to the famous travelers, Marco Polo and Ibn Battutah, as
well as to a legion of lesser figures who accompanied innumerable commercial,
diplomatic, and religious missions across Eurasia under Pax Mongolica.
Reichert, for example, has recently calculated that between 1242 and 1448,
over 126 individuals or embassies, all from Eastern and Western Christendom,
Geography and cartography 113
the grid system, and that the next was the map included in Hafiz-i Abru’s treatise
of 1420. The earliest grid, however, goes back to the beginning of the thirteenth
century and is found on a map prepared by Muhammad ibn Najıb
Bakran, a native of Tus, in 1208. This map was composed on cloth and its data
derived from old astronomical tables which Bakran, by his own testimony,
says he carefully collated to eliminate errors.40 The map itself is lost but
Bakran describes its character and techniques in great detail in his Jahann
amah or “World Book.” He begins by explaining the different colors and
symbols used to indicate boundary markers, cities, rivers, seas, deserts, mountains,
and climes (aqalım). He then states that the “many red lines, some
[running] from the east to the west and some from the north to the south, these
are the lines [khutut] of longitude [tul] and latitude [¨arz],” and adds that the
“great advantage” of his map is that “by means of longitude and latitude the
location of each city can be determined.”41 Thus, 130 years before Mustawfı,
Muslims used the graticule and this of course fatally undermines the theory
that this was a uniquely Chinese technique that flowed west to Iran under the
Mongols. Or, to put it another way, the map Jamal al-Dın presented to the
throne in 1267, with its color code and grid system, had a well-established
precedent in the Muslim world.42
The issue of transfer of technique aside, exchange of geographical knowledge
between China and Iran had a lasting legacy. Kwon Kun’s map of 1402
established a most interesting tradition in Korea; henceforth there was a widespread
popularity of maps and atlases in Korean culture which from the inception
always had a “global” dimension.43 More consequentially, as Adshead
has argued, one of the most important contributions of the Middle Ages to
the creation of the modern world system was the diffusion and “integration of
geographical information,” a body of knowledge that once in existence
became a “permanent” feature of the new world order.44 And, undeniably, the
Mongolian Empire played a critical role in the promotion, creation, and circulation
of such knowledge. Sometimes this rapid extension of horizons is
linked exclusively to the famous travelers, Marco Polo and Ibn Battutah, as
well as to a legion of lesser figures who accompanied innumerable commercial,
diplomatic, and religious missions across Eurasia under Pax Mongolica.
Reichert, for example, has recently calculated that between 1242 and 1448,
over 126 individuals or embassies, all from Eastern and Western Christendom,
Geography and cartography 113
peradaban yunani
drag
This assessment, though certainly effusive, was very probably the opinion held
by most contemporaries, including Ghazan, the sitting monarch, who prided
himself on his extensive knowledge of tribal history and genealogy. He, too,
praised Bolad, who instructed his sovereign on the finer points of early
Mongolian history.11
This reliance on native sources and informants meant, of course, that the
Collected Chronicles are best seen as a composite work, the by-product of a
large and diverse research team coordinated by Rashıd al-Dın. Moreover,
since he was a very busy minister of state, and because he did not command
all the foreign languages involved, the basic compilation of raw data was frequently
delegated to others. Bolad, naturally, made the preliminary reconnaissance
in the Mongolian sources and then provided Rashıd with Persian
renderings or summaries. And if we are to believe a later tradition, preserved
in Abu’l Ghazı, a seventeenth-century historian, Bolad’s own busy schedule
was such that he, too, needed assistants: “five or six persons who knew the Old
Mongolian language” to help run down data for the project.12
Thus, this vast historiographical enterprise was undertaken and executed by
Rashıd al-Dın with the aid of a hierarchy of research assistants and committees
who provided access to the literary traditions of the principal cultures and
civilizations of Eurasia, from China to Latin Europe. This method of compilation
also explains why in the years after Rashıd al-Dın’s death, one former
committee member, Qashanı, advanced a very unconvincing claim that he was
the real author of the Collected Chronicles and that the deceased minister
falsely took credit and reaped the financial rewards for another’s work.13
According to Rashıd al-Dın’s testimony, it was Ghazan who initiated and
patronized this remarkable enterprise; fearful that the Mongols in Iran were
forgetting their glorious past, he commissioned Rashıd to provide a detailed
summary of the rise and expansion of the Mongolian Empire. This, the core
of the Collected Chronicles, is organized into four long sections: the first treats
the Mongolian and Turkic tribes; the second, the life and times of Chinggis
Qan; the third, his successors from Ögödei to Temür Qaghan; and the last, the
Hülegüids in Iran. These volumes, particularly the first three, together with the
separately produced History of China, contain a vast amount of data on East
Asia and constitute a quantum leap in Muslim knowledge of the region. They
also reveal very clearly the character and extent of Rashıd al-Dın’s intellectual
partnership with, and indebtedness to, Bolad.
In many ways the section on the tribes is the most remarkable in the
Collected Chronicles. It covers all of the nomadic peoples of Inner Asia from
the Oyirad in southern Siberia to the Qipchaqs in the western steppe. For most
Historiography 85
11 Rashıd/Jahn II, pp. 142 and 172.
12 Aboul Ghazı Behadour Khan, Histoire des Mongols et des Tatares, trans. by Petr I.
Desmaisons, repr. (Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1970), p. 35. There is no contemporary confirmation
of Bolad’s research assistants, but Abu’l Ghazı’s data are quite plausible.
13 Qashanı/Hambly, pp. 54 and 240. For further comments see David O. Morgan, “Rashıd al-Dın
and Ghazan Khan,” in Aigle, Iran, pp. 182–84.
This assessment, though certainly effusive, was very probably the opinion held
by most contemporaries, including Ghazan, the sitting monarch, who prided
himself on his extensive knowledge of tribal history and genealogy. He, too,
praised Bolad, who instructed his sovereign on the finer points of early
Mongolian history.11
This reliance on native sources and informants meant, of course, that the
Collected Chronicles are best seen as a composite work, the by-product of a
large and diverse research team coordinated by Rashıd al-Dın. Moreover,
since he was a very busy minister of state, and because he did not command
all the foreign languages involved, the basic compilation of raw data was frequently
delegated to others. Bolad, naturally, made the preliminary reconnaissance
in the Mongolian sources and then provided Rashıd with Persian
renderings or summaries. And if we are to believe a later tradition, preserved
in Abu’l Ghazı, a seventeenth-century historian, Bolad’s own busy schedule
was such that he, too, needed assistants: “five or six persons who knew the Old
Mongolian language” to help run down data for the project.12
Thus, this vast historiographical enterprise was undertaken and executed by
Rashıd al-Dın with the aid of a hierarchy of research assistants and committees
who provided access to the literary traditions of the principal cultures and
civilizations of Eurasia, from China to Latin Europe. This method of compilation
also explains why in the years after Rashıd al-Dın’s death, one former
committee member, Qashanı, advanced a very unconvincing claim that he was
the real author of the Collected Chronicles and that the deceased minister
falsely took credit and reaped the financial rewards for another’s work.13
According to Rashıd al-Dın’s testimony, it was Ghazan who initiated and
patronized this remarkable enterprise; fearful that the Mongols in Iran were
forgetting their glorious past, he commissioned Rashıd to provide a detailed
summary of the rise and expansion of the Mongolian Empire. This, the core
of the Collected Chronicles, is organized into four long sections: the first treats
the Mongolian and Turkic tribes; the second, the life and times of Chinggis
Qan; the third, his successors from Ögödei to Temür Qaghan; and the last, the
Hülegüids in Iran. These volumes, particularly the first three, together with the
separately produced History of China, contain a vast amount of data on East
Asia and constitute a quantum leap in Muslim knowledge of the region. They
also reveal very clearly the character and extent of Rashıd al-Dın’s intellectual
partnership with, and indebtedness to, Bolad.
In many ways the section on the tribes is the most remarkable in the
Collected Chronicles. It covers all of the nomadic peoples of Inner Asia from
the Oyirad in southern Siberia to the Qipchaqs in the western steppe. For most
Historiography 85
11 Rashıd/Jahn II, pp. 142 and 172.
12 Aboul Ghazı Behadour Khan, Histoire des Mongols et des Tatares, trans. by Petr I.
Desmaisons, repr. (Amsterdam: Philo Press, 1970), p. 35. There is no contemporary confirmation
of Bolad’s research assistants, but Abu’l Ghazı’s data are quite plausible.
13 Qashanı/Hambly, pp. 54 and 240. For further comments see David O. Morgan, “Rashıd al-Dın
and Ghazan Khan,” in Aigle, Iran, pp. 182–84.
histori
histori
to a long and distinguished career, in fact two careers, one at either end of
Eurasia.
We first hear of Bolad in 1248 when Qubilai, still a prince, ordered Chang
Te-hui (1197–1274), a noted scholar, “to tutor his eldest son [Dorji] and Po-lo
and others.”3 At this juncture Bolad was probably a child of seven or eight
serving as a cadet in Qubilai’s guard/household establishment. In any event, it
appears that young Bolad was an attentive pupil with a talent for languages.
This is borne out by documents preserved in the Yuan-tien chang, a collection
of administrative and legal precedents compiled in 1320–22. We learn from
this source that in 1269 the General Secretariat (Chung-shu sheng) heard
“Bolad’s [Po-lo’s] hurried and rough oral translation [ch’uan]” of an imperial
rescript regulating burials in the vicinity of the capital. Two years later,
another document in the same collection reports that Bolad prepared for the
General Secretariat “a written translation [wen-tzu i]” of an imperial rescript
prohibiting construction in cemetery grounds.4 As a Mongol who knew
Chinese well, Bolad’s services would always be in demand.
While there is no information on Bolad’s activities in the 1250s, it is clear he
rose steadily in Qubilai’s entourage, which, it should be remembered, was a
most cosmopolitan body, recruited as it was from among Mongols, Muslims,
Uighurs, Chinese, and many other ethnic and communal groups. Once Qubilai
assumed the throne in 1260 he naturally formed his own imperial guard (wei)
and Bolad was one of its rising young officers. On one occasion the emperor
charged Bolad with the task of preparing Tieh-ko, a member of a distinguished
Kashmiri Buddhist family, for service in the guard.5 At this time, too,
Bolad received his first active military command when in 1264 he led a contingent
against “rebels” in the city of T’ung-shih in Shantung. He successfully
suppressed the uprising and then on the emperor’s orders took charge of pacifying
and rehabilitating the region.6
Obviously, he carried out these and other duties to his sovereign’s satisfaction,
for his next assignment propelled him into the realm of high politics. In
1264, following Ariq Böke’s submission to Qubilai, the qaghan, in the words
to a long and distinguished career, in fact two careers, one at either end of
Eurasia.
We first hear of Bolad in 1248 when Qubilai, still a prince, ordered Chang
Te-hui (1197–1274), a noted scholar, “to tutor his eldest son [Dorji] and Po-lo
and others.”3 At this juncture Bolad was probably a child of seven or eight
serving as a cadet in Qubilai’s guard/household establishment. In any event, it
appears that young Bolad was an attentive pupil with a talent for languages.
This is borne out by documents preserved in the Yuan-tien chang, a collection
of administrative and legal precedents compiled in 1320–22. We learn from
this source that in 1269 the General Secretariat (Chung-shu sheng) heard
“Bolad’s [Po-lo’s] hurried and rough oral translation [ch’uan]” of an imperial
rescript regulating burials in the vicinity of the capital. Two years later,
another document in the same collection reports that Bolad prepared for the
General Secretariat “a written translation [wen-tzu i]” of an imperial rescript
prohibiting construction in cemetery grounds.4 As a Mongol who knew
Chinese well, Bolad’s services would always be in demand.
While there is no information on Bolad’s activities in the 1250s, it is clear he
rose steadily in Qubilai’s entourage, which, it should be remembered, was a
most cosmopolitan body, recruited as it was from among Mongols, Muslims,
Uighurs, Chinese, and many other ethnic and communal groups. Once Qubilai
assumed the throne in 1260 he naturally formed his own imperial guard (wei)
and Bolad was one of its rising young officers. On one occasion the emperor
charged Bolad with the task of preparing Tieh-ko, a member of a distinguished
Kashmiri Buddhist family, for service in the guard.5 At this time, too,
Bolad received his first active military command when in 1264 he led a contingent
against “rebels” in the city of T’ung-shih in Shantung. He successfully
suppressed the uprising and then on the emperor’s orders took charge of pacifying
and rehabilitating the region.6
Obviously, he carried out these and other duties to his sovereign’s satisfaction,
for his next assignment propelled him into the realm of high politics. In
1264, following Ariq Böke’s submission to Qubilai, the qaghan, in the words
Marco Polo and Po-lo
Marco Polo and Po-lo
The study of cultural contact and exchange is intimately connected to the
question of agency. Culture, of course, can be transmitted by a number of
mechanisms – commodities, ideologies, literary works – as well as people.
Material culture, transported as trade, tribute, or booty, can diffuse artistic
motifs and technology over great distances. Texts, particularly religious texts,
also convey culture over time and space and most particularly between largescale,
urban-based civilizations. The extensive corpus of Chinese translations
of the Indian Buddhist canon well illustrates this phenomenon.1 In the
Mongolian era, the fourth mechanism, direct human agency, assumed, as
already argued, a very special importance in East–West cultural communication.
Given the Mongols’ penchant for moving imperial personnel, subject
peoples, and specialists from one cultural zone of the empire to another, there
were innumerable face-to-face encounters between individuals and communities
of the most diverse ethnic, linguistic, and religious backgrounds. In this
part of the study, we will investigate the major “brokers” in medieval Eurasian
cultural history.
By far the most famous of these intermediaries is Marco Polo. As is well
known, from his own day to the present, his travels have been the center of
controversy; indeed, many deny that the Venetian ever set foot in China.2 His
defenders, naturally, have tried to confirm his accounts by detailed geographical–
historical commentaries and most particularly by seeking references to
his name in the Chinese sources of the Yuan era, which are studded with
foreign names, Turkic, Iranian, Muslim, and Tibetan, as well as Christian.
Efforts to find Marco Polo in the Asian sources were inaugurated in 1865
by the French scholar Pauthier who was the first to identify the Venetian with
59
1 Walter Fuchs, “Zur technischen Organisation der Übersetzungen buddhischer Schriften ins
Chinesische,” Asia Major 6 (1930), 84–103.
2 My own view is that Marco Polo was in China and that his travels are a valuable source on medieval
Eurasia. For recent and persuasive defenses of this position, see Igor de Rachewiltz,
“Marco Polo Went to China,” Zentralasiatische Studien 27 (1997), 34–92; Jørgen Jensen, “The
The study of cultural contact and exchange is intimately connected to the
question of agency. Culture, of course, can be transmitted by a number of
mechanisms – commodities, ideologies, literary works – as well as people.
Material culture, transported as trade, tribute, or booty, can diffuse artistic
motifs and technology over great distances. Texts, particularly religious texts,
also convey culture over time and space and most particularly between largescale,
urban-based civilizations. The extensive corpus of Chinese translations
of the Indian Buddhist canon well illustrates this phenomenon.1 In the
Mongolian era, the fourth mechanism, direct human agency, assumed, as
already argued, a very special importance in East–West cultural communication.
Given the Mongols’ penchant for moving imperial personnel, subject
peoples, and specialists from one cultural zone of the empire to another, there
were innumerable face-to-face encounters between individuals and communities
of the most diverse ethnic, linguistic, and religious backgrounds. In this
part of the study, we will investigate the major “brokers” in medieval Eurasian
cultural history.
By far the most famous of these intermediaries is Marco Polo. As is well
known, from his own day to the present, his travels have been the center of
controversy; indeed, many deny that the Venetian ever set foot in China.2 His
defenders, naturally, have tried to confirm his accounts by detailed geographical–
historical commentaries and most particularly by seeking references to
his name in the Chinese sources of the Yuan era, which are studded with
foreign names, Turkic, Iranian, Muslim, and Tibetan, as well as Christian.
Efforts to find Marco Polo in the Asian sources were inaugurated in 1865
by the French scholar Pauthier who was the first to identify the Venetian with
59
1 Walter Fuchs, “Zur technischen Organisation der Übersetzungen buddhischer Schriften ins
Chinesische,” Asia Major 6 (1930), 84–103.
2 My own view is that Marco Polo was in China and that his travels are a valuable source on medieval
Eurasia. For recent and persuasive defenses of this position, see Igor de Rachewiltz,
“Marco Polo Went to China,” Zentralasiatische Studien 27 (1997), 34–92; Jørgen Jensen, “The
Introduction
Introduction
The goals and themes of this work have undergone substantial change in the
course of the basic research. As originally conceived, this monograph was to
explore the political and diplomatic relationship between the Mongolian
courts of China, the Yuan, and Iran, the Il-qans/Il-khans. I was particularly
interested in their joint efforts to stave off the military challenge of their rivals
and cousins in central Asia, the lines of Chaghadai and Ögödei, and the
western steppe, the line of Jochi, in the last half of the thirteenth century and
the early decades of the fourteenth century. To sustain one another against
their mutual enemies, the regimes in China and Iran shared economic
resources, troops, and war matériel. As time passed, I became increasingly
aware that this exchange was far more wide-ranging and diverse, embracing as
it did an extensive traffic in specialist personnel, scholarly works, material
culture, and technology. My interest in these issues grew and I soon came to
the conclusion that these cultural exchanges were perhaps the most consequential
facet of their relationship.
This, however, was only the first phase of the work’s transformation. Having
settled on the issue of cultural exchange as the central theme, I naively
assumed that I would proceed by identifying specific exchanges and then
assess their “influence”: for example, the impact of Chinese physicians in Iran
on Islamic medicine. This, I quickly discovered, posed formidable problems of
method, interpretation, and evidence. The most obvious difficulty is that any
attempt to establish such influence requires a detailed knowledge of Chinese
and Islamic medicine before, during, and after the Mongolian conquests. The
same stricture, of course, applies to all other areas of contact, such as agronomy,
astronomy, etc. And, beyond the intimidating range of topics, I came to
realize that I simply lacked the formal training and experience to make meaningful
evaluations of these complex issues, most of which are highly technical.
This realization led to one further modification of the goals and themes of
the work: in this monograph I will speak primarily to the question of the
nature and conditions of the transmission of cultural wares between China
and Iran, not the vexed issues of receptivity or rejection of new elements on
the part of subject peoples. In other words, I am mainly concerned with how
3
The goals and themes of this work have undergone substantial change in the
course of the basic research. As originally conceived, this monograph was to
explore the political and diplomatic relationship between the Mongolian
courts of China, the Yuan, and Iran, the Il-qans/Il-khans. I was particularly
interested in their joint efforts to stave off the military challenge of their rivals
and cousins in central Asia, the lines of Chaghadai and Ögödei, and the
western steppe, the line of Jochi, in the last half of the thirteenth century and
the early decades of the fourteenth century. To sustain one another against
their mutual enemies, the regimes in China and Iran shared economic
resources, troops, and war matériel. As time passed, I became increasingly
aware that this exchange was far more wide-ranging and diverse, embracing as
it did an extensive traffic in specialist personnel, scholarly works, material
culture, and technology. My interest in these issues grew and I soon came to
the conclusion that these cultural exchanges were perhaps the most consequential
facet of their relationship.
This, however, was only the first phase of the work’s transformation. Having
settled on the issue of cultural exchange as the central theme, I naively
assumed that I would proceed by identifying specific exchanges and then
assess their “influence”: for example, the impact of Chinese physicians in Iran
on Islamic medicine. This, I quickly discovered, posed formidable problems of
method, interpretation, and evidence. The most obvious difficulty is that any
attempt to establish such influence requires a detailed knowledge of Chinese
and Islamic medicine before, during, and after the Mongolian conquests. The
same stricture, of course, applies to all other areas of contact, such as agronomy,
astronomy, etc. And, beyond the intimidating range of topics, I came to
realize that I simply lacked the formal training and experience to make meaningful
evaluations of these complex issues, most of which are highly technical.
This realization led to one further modification of the goals and themes of
the work: in this monograph I will speak primarily to the question of the
nature and conditions of the transmission of cultural wares between China
and Iran, not the vexed issues of receptivity or rejection of new elements on
the part of subject peoples. In other words, I am mainly concerned with how
3
teologi
Chapter 4
The Companions of the Prophet
34577: Who is better and more knowledgeable – Abu Bakr
and ‘Umar, or ‘Ali?
Question:
When one analyze as a neutral person contribution of
hazrat ali is far more then other sahaba so are the hadith
in favour of hazrat ali,not only as a warrior but as a
visionary person, his knowldge,as a faqih , his command
on quran, hazrat abu baker and specialy hazrat ummer
always consulted him when they dont know the answer
of anything then how come they rated superior to hazrat
ali.
Answer:
Praise be to Allaah.
Undoubtedly the noble Sahaabi ‘Ali ibn Abi Taalib was
one of the wisest and most determined of people. He is
well known for his courage and bravery. He was the first
youth to enter Islam, then he stayed close to the Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) before the
Hijrah. When the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah
be upon him) left Makkah, accompanied by Abu Bakr, he
stayed behind and slept in the Prophet’s bed (thus fooling
the mushrikeen who wanted to kill the Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him)). Among his virtues
are those mentioned in the hadeeth narrated by Sahl ibn
Sa’d (may Allaah be pleased with him), who said that he
heard the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon
279
him) say, on the day of Khaybar, “I will give the flag to a
man at whose hands Allaah will grant victory.” They got
up, wishing to see to whom the flag would be given, each
of them hoping that he would be given the flag. Then he
said, “Where is ‘Ali?” He was told that he was suffering
from eye-trouble. He ordered that ‘Ali should be called
to him, then he spat in his eyes and he was healed
immediately, as if he has never had any problem in his
eyes.
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 2942; Muslim, 2406.
Just as ‘Ali had many virtues and good characteristics,
other Sahaabah also had other virtues and good
characteristics. Among the virtues of Abu Bakr (may
Allaah be pleased with him) is that which was narrated
from Abu Sa’eed al-Khudri, who said: The Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) delivered a khutbah
and said: “Allaah has given a slave the choice between
this world and what is with Him, and he chose what is
with Him.” Abu Bakr al-Siddeeq (may Allaah be pleased
with him) began to weep, and I said to myself, “What is
making this old man cry if Allaah has given a slave the
choice between this world and what is with Him, and he
chose what is with Him?” The Messenger of Allaah (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) was that slave, and
Abu Bakr was the most knowledgeable of us. He said,
“O Abu Bakr, do not weep. Abu Bakr has favoured me
greatly with his companionship and his wealth. If I were
to have taken a close friend among my ummah, I would
have chosen Abu Bakr, but the brotherhood of Islam is
sufficient. Do not leave any door to the mosque without
closing it off, apart from the door of Abu Bakr.”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 466; Muslim, 2382
Another of his virtues is that he accompanied the Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) during the
280
Hijrah (migration to Madeenah), as Allaah says
(interpretation of the meaning):
“If you help him (Muhammad) not (it does not matter),
for Allaah did indeed help him when the disbelievers drove
him out, the second of the two; when they (Muhammad
and Abu Bakr) were in the cave, he said to his companion
(Abu Bakr): ‘Be not sad (or afraid), surely, Allaah is with
us.’ Then Allaah sent down His Sakeenah (calmness,
tranquillity, peace) upon him, and strengthened him with
forces (angels) which you saw not, and made the word of
those who disbelieved the lowermost, while the Word of
Allaah that became the uppermost; and Allaah is All-
Mighty, All-Wise”
[al-Tawbah 9:40]
And ‘Amr ibn al-‘Aas (may Allaah be pleased with him)
narrated that the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah
be upon him) appointed him as the commander of the
army of Dhaat al-Salaasil. He said: So I came to him and
said, “Which of the people is dearest to you?” He said, “
‘Aa’ishah.” I said, “Who among men?” He said, “Her
father.” I said, “Then who?” He said, “Then ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattaab,” and he mentioned some other men.
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 3662; Muslim, 2384.
Another of his virtues is the fact that the Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) appointed him to
lead the prayers in his stead at the end of his life, when he
fell sick with his final illness, and he rebuked those who
objected to this and said, “Tell Abu Bakr to lead the people
in prayer.”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 683; Muslim 418.
And it was narrated from Anas ibn Maalik (may Allaah
be pleased with him) that the Prophet (peace and blessings
of Allaah be upon him) climbed Uhud with Abu Bakr,
281
‘Umar and ‘Uthmaan, and it trembled beneath them. He
said, ‘Stand firm, O Uhud, for there is no one on you but
a Prophet, a Siddeeq and two martyrs.”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 3675.
With regard to ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab (may Allaah be
pleased with him), he also had many virtues and good
characteristics which were proven in many reports. For
example it was narrated that Abu Sa’eed al-Khudri (may
Allaah be pleased with him) said: The Messenger of
Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) said:
“Whilst I was sleeping, I saw the people were shown to
me, and they were wearing shirts. Some shirts came down
to the chest, and some were shorter than that. ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattaab was shown to me and he was wearing a shirt
that dragged along the ground.” They said, “How did you
interpret that, O Messenger of Allaah?” He said,
“Religious commitment.”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 23; Muslim, 2390.
It was narrated that ‘Abd-Allaah ibn ‘Umar said: I heard
the Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah
be upon him) say: “Whilst I was sleeping, a cup of milk
was brought to me and I drank until I saw its wetness
coming out of my nails. Then I gave the rest to ‘Umar ibn
al-Khattaab.” They said, “How did you interpret that, O
Messenger of Allaah?” He said, “(It is) knowledge.”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 82; Muslim, 2391.
And it was narrated from ‘Aa’ishah (may Allaah be
pleased with her) that the Prophet (peace and blessings
of Allaah be upon him) used to say, “Among the nations
who came before you there were muhaddathoon (men
who were inspired) and if there are any such men among
my ummah, then ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab is one of them.”
Narrated by Muslim, 2398
282
And there is other evidence which points to the virtues of
the Sahaabah (may Allaah be pleased with them). But the
fact that some of them were superior to others is something
that makes sense and is proven in sharee’ah. It is not the
matter of whims and desires, rather it should be referred
to sharee’ah, as Allaah says (interpretation of the
meaning):
“And your Lord creates whatsoever He wills and chooses,
no choice have they (in any matter). Glorified is Allaah,
and exalted above all that they associate (as partners
with Him)”
[al-Qasas 28:68]
So we should refer to the shar’i evidence in order to find
out the status of the Sahaabah (may Allaah be pleased
with them). It was narrated that Ibn ‘Umar (may Allaah
be pleased with him) said: “We used to compare the people
as to who was better at the time of the Messenger of Allaah
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him). We used to
regard Abu Bakr as the best, then ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab,
then ‘Uthmaan ibn ‘Affaan (may Allaah be pleased with
them).” Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 3655. According to
another report he said: “At the time of the Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) we did not regard
anyone as equal with Abu Bakr, then ‘Umar, then
‘Uthmaan, then we left the companions of the Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) and we did
not differentiate between them.” Al-Bukhaari, 2679.
This is testimony of all the Sahaabah, narrated by ‘Abd-
Allaah ibn ‘Umar, that Abu Bakr was superior to all the
Sahaabah, followed by ‘Umar, then ‘Uthmaan.
Now let us turn to ‘Ali ibn Abi Taalib (may Allaah be
pleased with him) himself, and he see what he said. It
was narrated that Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah (who
was the son of ‘Ali ibn Abi Taalib) said: “I said to my
283
father, ‘Which of the people was the best after the
Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him)?’ He said, ‘Abu Bakr.’ I said, ‘Then who?’ He
said, ‘Then ‘Umar.’ I was afraid that he would say
‘Uthmaan. I said, ‘Then is it you?’ He said, ‘I am only
one of the Muslims.’”
Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 3671.
It was narrated that ‘Ali (may Allaah be pleased with him)
said: “No one is brought to me who regards me as superior
to Abu Bakr and ‘Umar but I will punish him with a
beating like a fabricator.” Shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyah
said: It was narrated that he used to speak from the minbar
of Kufa and say that the best of this ummah after our
Prophet was Abu Bakr, then ‘Umar. This was narrated
from him via more than eighty isnaads, and it was narrated
by al-Bukhaari and others. Hence the earlier Shi’ah all
used to agree that Abu Bakr and ‘Umar were superior, as
has been mentioned by more than one. Manhaaj al-
Sunnah, 1/308
It was narrated from Abu Juhayfah that ‘Ali (may Allaah
be pleased with him) ascended the minbar and praised
and glorified Allaah and sent blessings upon the Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), then he said:
“The best of this ummah after its Prophet is Abu Bakr.
The second is ‘Umar (may Allaah be pleased with him),
and after that, whoever Allaah wants to be good will be
good.”
Narrated by Imam Ahmad in his Musnad, 839. And
Shaykh Shu’ayb al-Arna’oot said: its isnaad is qawiy.
These ahaadeeth of the Prophet (peace and blessings of
Allaah be upon him) and these reports from the Sahaabah
(may Allaah be pleased with them) all testify to the belief
of Ahl al-Sunnah wa’l-Jamaa’ah, amongst whom there is
no dispute concerning it, that the best of this ummah after
284
its Prophet is Abu Bakr al-Siddeeq (may Allaah be pleased
with him), then ‘Umar. May Allaah be pleased with all of
the Sahaabah.
With regard to the idea that Abu Bakr and ‘Umar always
used to ask ‘Ali questions and that they did not have
knowledge, this is not proven in any report whatsoever.
Rather it is proven that the Prophet (peace and blessings
of Allaah be upon him) ordered that Abu Bakr (may Allaah
be pleased with him) should lead the people in prayer
when he was sick with his final illness. The Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) would not have
delegated this task except to one who had knowledge of
the rulings on the prayer. And it was proven that the
Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him)
appointed Abu Bakr (may Allaah be pleased with him) to
lead the Hajj before the Farewell Pilgrimage, and the
Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him)
would not have appointed a man to such a position unless
he was the most knowledgeable of them concerning it
(the Hajj). Indeed it is narrated that ‘Ali learned some
ahaadeeth from Abu Bakr (may Allaah be pleased with
them both) concerning some issues. It was narrated that
Asma’ bint al-Hakam al-Fazaari said: “I heard ‘Ali say: I
was a man who, if I heard a hadeeth from the Messenger
of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him),
Allaah would benefit me thereby as much as He willed to
benefit me. If a man from among his companions told me
a hadeeth I would ask him to swear to it; if he swore to it
then I would believe him.” He told me that Abu Bakr
said, and Abu Bakr spoke the truth, “I heard the Messenger
of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him)
say, ‘There is no man who commits a sin then he gets up
and purifies himself and prays, and seeks the forgiveness
of Allaah, but Allaah will forgive him.’ Then he recited
this verse (interpretation of the meaning):
“And those who, when they have committed Faahishah
285
metedologi
metedologi
Answer:
Praise be to Allaah.
212
Firstly:
Our Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings of Allaah
be upon him) did not produce his ideas by himself, rather
the message that he brought came from Allaah – it was
Revelation (wahy) which Allaah sent to him.
Secondly:
with regard to his life (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him):
He was the best of all people on earth in terms of lineage,
for he was descended from the noblest line. Even his
enemies bore witness to that. Hence his enemy Abu
Sufyaan testified to that effect before the Byzantine ruler.
The noblest of people were his people; the noblest of tribes
was his tribe; the noblest of clans was his clan. His full
name was Muhammad ibn [son of] ‘Abd-Allaah ibn ‘Abd
al-Muttalib ibn Haashim ibn ‘Abd Manaaf ibn Qusayy
ibn Kilaab ibn Murrah ibn Ka’b ibn Lu’ayy ibn Ghaalib
ibn Fahr ibn Maalik ibn al-Nadar ibn Kinaanah ibn
Khuzaymah ibn Mudrikah ibn Ilyaas ibn Mudar ibn Nizaar
ibn Ma’d ibn ‘Adnaan… ibn ‘Ismaa’eel [Ishmael] ibn
Ibraaheem [Abraham] (peace be upon them).
Allaah sent him as a Prophet at the age of forty, which is
the age of perfection. The first sign of Prophethood which
was sent to the Messenger of Allaah was dreams: he did
not see any dream but it would come true like daybreak.
It was said that that lasted for six months. The period of
his Prophethood lasted for twenty-three years. These
dreams were one of the forty-six parts of Prophethood.
Then Allaah honoured him with Prophethood, and the
angel came to him whilst he was in the cave of Hira’,
where he used to love to go to be alone. The first words
(of the Qur’aan) to be revealed to him were:
“Read! In the Name of your Lord Who has created (all
213
that exists)” [al-‘Alaq 96:1 – interpretation of the
meaning]
His message came in stages. Firstly, he was appointed as
a Prophet; secondly, he warned his nearest kinsmen;
thirdly, he warned his people; fourthly, he warned the
people to whom no warner had ever come, namely all the
Arabs; fifthly, he warned all those whom his message
reached, both jinns and humans, until the end of time.
After that (initial revelation), he spent three years calling
people to Allaah in secret. Then the following words were
revealed to him:
“Therefore proclaim openly (Allaah’s Message Islamic
Monotheism) that which you are commanded, and turn
away from AlMushrikoon (polytheists, idolaters, and
disbeliever”
[al-Hijr 15:94 – interpretation of the meaning]
See Zaad al-Ma’aad by Ibn al-Qayyim, 1/71
Thirdly:
With regard to the message to which our Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) called people, it is
sufficient to quote what was said by Abu Sufyaan – who
was a kaafir (disbeliever) at the time. Heraclius, the ruler
of Byzantium, asked Abu Sufyaan, “What does he tell
you to do?” Abu Sufyaan said: “He tells us to worship
Allaah alone, not associating anything with Him, and he
forbids us to worship that which our fathers used to
worship. He commands us to pray, to give in charity, to
be chaste, to keep our promises and fulfil our trusts.”
Heraclius commented on Abu Sufyaan’s words by saying:
“This is the description of a Prophet. I knew that he would
appear, but I did not think that he would be from among
you [the Arabs]. If you are indeed speaking the truth, then
214
soon he will take possession of the place where my feet
are standing. If I thought that I could meet him I would
not hesitate to go to him, and if I were with him I would
wash his feet.”
(Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 2782; Muslim, 1773).
Fourthly:
After the death of the Prophet (peace and blessings of
Allaah be upon him), he was succeeded as khaleefah
(leader of the Muslim community) by Abu Bakr al-
Siddeeq, during whose time a number of major events
took place: the dispatching of the army of Usaamah [to
Syria]; the wars against the apostates (ahl al-riddah);
fighting those who refused to pay the zakaah; the
emergence of Musaylimah the liar [a false prophet]; and
the compilation of the Qur’aan.
Then came ‘Umar ibn al-Khattaab, who was one of the
earliest Muslims, one of the ten whom the Prophet (peace
and blessings of Allaah be upon him) had testified would
enter Paradise, one of the Rightly Guided Caliphs (alkhulafa’
al-raashideen), one of the in-laws of the
Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him), one of the greatest scholars and ascetics among
the Sahaabah (the Companions of the Prophet (peace and
blessings of Allaah be upon him)). Many conquests took
place during his time, including the conquest of
Damascus, Jordan, Iraq, Jerusalem and Egypt. He is the
one who decided, in consultation with ‘Ali, that history
should be dated from the time of the Hijrah (the migration
of the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon
him) from Makkah to Madeenah).
He was martyred in 23 AH by the kaafir Magian murderer
Abu Lu’lu’ah.
Then came ‘Uthmaan ibn ‘Affaan, who was also one of
215
the ten whom the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah
be upon him) had testified would enter Paradise. He had
also become Muslim in the earliest days. He was one of
those whom Abu Bakr al-Siddeeq had called to Islam.
He migrated twice, first to Abyssinia (Ethiopia) then to
Madeenah. He married Ruqayyah the daughter of the
Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him), then
she passed away and he married her sister Umm
Kalthoom. He ruled as khaleefah for twelve years, then
he was martyred in 35 AH at the age of eighty-odd.
Then came ‘Ali ibn Abi Taalib, who was also one of the
ten whom the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him) had testified would enter Paradise. He was the
brother of the Messenger of Allaah (peace and blessings
of Allaah be upon him) according to the system of
brotherhood established when the muhaajiroon (migrants
from Makkah) first came to Madeenah, and he was also
the Prophet’s son-in-law as he married his daughter
Faatimah, the best of all women (may Allaah be pleased
with her). He was also one of the first people to become
Muslim, one of the greatest scholars, bravest warriors,
prominent ascetics and preachers. He was one of those
who compiled the Qur’aan and showed it to the Messenger
of Allaah (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him).
Fifthly:
The Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him)
was guided by the teachings of the Qur’aan, indeed his
whole attitude was the Qur’aan as the Mother of the
Believers ‘Aa’ishah (may Allaah be pleased with her) said.
The way our Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him) was in Islam was the same as the way he had
been before, but Allaah perfected his character and made
it more beautiful. When the first revelation came, [his
wife] Khadeejah (may Allaah be pleased with her) said,
listing his attributes:
216
“No, by Allaah, Allaah would never let you down. For
you uphold ties of kinship, you help the weak, you give
charity to the poor, you honour your guests and you help
the deserving calamity-afflicted ones.”
(Narrated by al-Bukhaari, 4; Muslim, 160)
Both his companions and his enemies described him in a
befitting manner, as he (peace and blessings of Allaah be
upon him) deserved, saying that he was honourable, brave,
merciful, well-spoken, worshipped a great deal, was
honest and trustworthy, and so on.
This was all summed up in the verse:
“And verily, you (O Muhammad) are on an exalted
(standard of) character” [al-Qalam 68:4 – interpretation
of the meaning]
His good character and attitude had a great effect, as it
was the reason for some of the mushrikeen (pagans,
polytheists) coming to Islam.
It was narrated that Abu Hurayrah said: “The Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) sent some
cavalry towards Najd, and they brought a man from Banu
Haneefah whose name was Thamaamah ibn Athaal and
tied him to one of the pillars of the mosque. The Prophet
(peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) came out
and said, ‘Untie Thamaamah.’ Then he (Thamaamah)
went to grove of palm treenear the mosque and washed
himself (did ghusl), then he entered the mosque and said,
‘I bear witness that there is no god except Allaah and that
Muhammad is the Messenger of Allaah.’” (Narrated by
al-Bukhaari, 4114; Muslim, 1764).
ISLAM: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
ISLAM: QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
Answer:
Praise be to Allaah.
The historians and some of the mufassireen have stated
that her name was Rahmah bint Meesha ibn Yoosuf ibn
Ya’qoob.
But this is something which is not proven in any clear
sound text, rather it was transmitted from the books of
the People of the Book, or by some Muslims from them.
We shall list those who were of this view and transmitted
it:
1 – Al-Suyooti said: Ibn ‘Asaakir narrated that Wahb ibn
Munabbih (may Allaah be pleased with him) said: “The
wife of Ayyoob (peace be upon him) was Rahmah (may
36
Allaah be pleased with her) bint Meeshaa ibn Yoosuf ibn
Ya’qoob ibn Ishaaq ibn Ibraaheem (peace be upon them).
(al-Durr al-Manthoor, 7/197. Also in Tafseer al-
Baydaawi, 3/310; Tafseer al-Qurtubi, 9/265; Tafseer al-
Baghawi, 2/451)
2 – Shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyah (may Allaah have
mercy on him) said:
But these Israa’eeli (i.e., Jewish) reports to be mentioned
for the purpose of proving a point, they are not to be
believed. They are of three types:
(i) Those which we know are sound because of evidence
which we have which proves them to be true. These are
saheeh.
(ii) Those which we know are false because of evidence
which we have which contradicts them.
(iii) Those which we do not know whether they are true
or false. So we do not believe in them and we do not
disbelieve in them, but it is permissible to narrate them
for the reasons given above.
Most of them are things which serve no religious purpose,
hence the scholars of the People of the Book differ greatly
concerning such things. The mufassireen also differed
concerning them as a result of that, as they mentioned,
for example, the names of the People of the Cave, the
colour of their dog and their number, or what kind of tree
the staff of Moosa came from, and other matters which
Allaah did not mention in detail in the Qur’aan because
knowing the specific details does not serve any worldly
or religious purpose.
(Majmoo’ al-Fataawa, 13/366-367).
Al-Shanqeeti (may Allaah have mercy on him) said:
37
What the mufassireen have said concerning the name of
their dog – some said that its name was Qitmeer, and
some said that its name was Hamdaan, etc. – we need not
dwell on at length, because it serves no purpose. There
are many things in the Qur’aan which neither Allaah nor
His Messenger has explained to us in detail, and there
are no proven reports concerning them; there is no benefit
to be gained by researching such matters.
(Adwaa’ al-Bayaan, 4/48)
And Allaah knows best.
Islam Q&A
Sheikh Muhammed Salih Al-Munajjid (www.islamqa.
com)
10358: No-one who was alive in 10 AH lived for more than
one hundred years
Question:
Could you please explain this hadith: Narrated by
Abdullah ibn Umar (RA): Once the Prophet led us in the
‘Isha’ prayer during the last days of his life and after
finishing it (the prayer) (with Taslim) he said: “Do you
realize (the importance of) this night?” Nobody present
on the surface of the earth tonight will be living after the
completion of one hundred years from this night.” —
Sahih Bukhari (1.116)
Answer:
Praise be to Allaah.
The meaning of the hadeeth is clear and apparent, and
38
was borne out by real events. The Prophet (peace and
blessings of Allaah be upon him) was stating that none of
the people who were alive at that time would live for
more than a hundred years, and this is what in fact
happened. The last of the Sahaabah to die passed away in
110 AH, i.e., he died one hundred years after the
Messenger (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him)
died. His name was Abu’l-Tufayl ibn Waathilah.
Shaykh Sa’d al-Humayd
This hadeeth was narrated by Imaam al-Bukhaari (may
Allaah have mercy on him) in his Saheeh, from ‘Abd-
Allaah ibn ‘Umar, who said: “The Prophet (peace and
blessings of Allaah be upon him) led us in praying ‘Ishaa
towards the end of his life. When he had said the salaam,
he stood up and said: ‘Do you see this night of yours?
One hundred years from now, there will not be anyone
left of those who are on the face of the earth.’”
There follow some comments made by Ibn Hajar (may
Allaah have mercy on him) on this hadeeth:
“Led us in prayer” means as an imaam.
“Towards the end of his life”. A corroborating report
narrated by Jaabir states that this was one month before
he (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) died.
“Do you see” means, “Think about (this night).”
“One hundred years from now” means, when one hundred
years have passed.
“There will not be anyone left of those who are on the
face of the earth” means, anyone who was alive at that
time.
Ibn Battaal said: What the Messenger (peace and blessings
of Allaah be upon him) meant was that during this time39
span their generation would pass away. He was pointing
out to them how short their lives were and that their lives
were not like those of the nations who came before them,
so that they would strive hard in worship.
Al-Nawawi said: What is meant is that everyone who was
on the face of the earth on that night would not live for
more than one hundred years after that night, whether he
was young on that occasion or not. It does not mean that
anyone who was born after that night would not live for a
hundred years. And Allaah knows best.
This hadeeth is one of the signs of the Prophethood of
the Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him).
He was speaking of future events which came to pass as
he described them. The trustworthy scholars use this as
evidence in refuting some of the Sufis who say that al-
Khidr is still alive until now.
Islam Q&A. Sheikh Muhammed Salih Al-Munajjid
(www.islam-qa.com)
12222: Did the Arabs know about Allaah before the
Prophet (peace and blessings of Allaah be upon him) was
sent?
Question:
We know that Holy Prophet’s()father name was Abdullah
& he had passed away before Prophet’s birth.With this
background please tell that what was the concept in arabs
about “ALLAH”before prophet.Were they familiar to this
word before prophet’s birth?How did they differentiate
Allah from idols,if at all they did?
Answer:
You should note that Arabian societies before Islam were
40
not atheistic societies that denied the existence of Allaah,
or societies that were unaware that there is a Lord, Creator
and Provider. They knew that, and they still retained some
traces of the religion of Ibraaheem, and they had contact
with Jews and Christians. But their problem was that they
did not worship Allaah Alone in exclusion to others; they
had other gods whom they associated in worship with
Him, and which they worshipped not on the basis that
they were the Lord, the Creator the Provider, but because
they claimed that these were intermediaries who would
intercede between them and Allaah and bring them closer
to Allaah. Hence Allaah said concerning them
(interpretation of the meaning):
“And if you (O Muhammad) ask them: ‘Who has created
the heavens and the earth,’ they will certainly say:
‘Allaah’” [Luqmaan 31:25]
This indicates that they acknowledged that Allaah is the
Creator. Another aayah says (interpretation of the
meaning):
“And verily, if you ask them: ‘Who created the heavens
and the earth?’ Surely, they will say: ‘Allaah (has created
them)’” [al-Zumar 39:38]
Many aayaat indicated that they believed in the Unity of
Lordship (Tawheed al-Ruboobiyyah); their shirk was with
regard to divinity (uloohiyyah), as Allaah says concerning
them (interpretation of the meaning):
“And those who take Awliyaa’ (protectors, helpers, lords,
gods) besides Him (say): ‘We worship them only that they
may bring us near to Allaah’” [al-Zumar 39:3]
i.e., they said, we only worship them so that they may
bring us closer to Allaah.
Shaykh Sa’d al-Humayd (www.islam-qa.com)
41
1437: Does the dove hold any significance in Islam?
Question:
In the Christian religion, a dove is a symbol not only for
peace but also for the Holy Spirit.In the Islamic religion,
does the dove hold any significance ?
Answer:
Praise be to Allaah.
We put this question to Shaykh ‘Abd-Allaah ibn Jibreen,
may Allaah preserve him, who answered as follows.
The dove does not have any particular meaning in Islam.
It is simply one of the birds that Allaah has permitted us
to eat, just like any other permissible bird.
In Islam, the dove does not stand for peace or for anything
else. It is sufficient for us Muslims for us to follow the
commands of Allaah to establish justice on earth.
Shaykh ‘Abd-Allaah ibn Jibreen
nikmatny menuntut ilmu
Diantara sekian banyak nikmat Allah yang telah kita rasakan, ada satu nikmat yang melandasi datangnya nikmat-nikmat yang lain, yaitu ilmu. Sebab dengan ilmu, seseorang akan dapat memahami berbagai hal dan karena ilmu juga, seseorang akan mendapatkan kedudukan yang lebih tinggi di sisi Allah, juga di kalangan manusia. Terutama jika disertai dengan keimanan dan ketakwaan kepada Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla. Baik dia seorang budak atau orang merdeka; seorang bawahan atau atasan; seorang rakyat jelata ataupun para raja. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam firman-Nya,
Diantara sekian banyak nikmat Allah yang telah kita rasakan, ada satu nikmat yang melandasi datangnya nikmat-nikmat yang lain, yaitu ilmu. Sebab dengan ilmu, seseorang akan dapat memahami berbagai hal dan karena ilmu juga, seseorang akan mendapatkan kedudukan yang lebih tinggi di sisi Allah, juga di kalangan manusia. Terutama jika disertai dengan keimanan dan ketakwaan kepada Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla. Baik dia seorang budak atau orang merdeka; seorang bawahan atau atasan; seorang rakyat jelata ataupun para raja. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam firman-Nya,
يَـأَيُّهَاالَّذِيْنَ ءَامَنُوا
إِذَاقِيْـلَ لَكُمْ تَفَـسَّحُوْافِيْ الْمَجَلِسِ فَافْـسَحُوا يَفْـسَحِ اللهُ
لَكُمْۖ وَإِذَا قِيْـلَ انْشُزُوا فَانْشُزُوا يَرْفَعِ اللهُ الَّذِيْنَ
ءَامَنُوا مِنْكُمْ وَالَّذِيْنَ أُوتُوا الْعِلْمَ دَرَجَتٍۗ وَاللهُ بِمَا
تَعْمَلُونَ خَبْيْرٌ
Artinya: “Wahai orang-orang yang beriman, apabila dikatakan kepada
kalian, ‘Berlapang-lapanglah dalam majelis,’ maka lapangkanlah, niscaya Allah
akan memberi kelapangan untuk kalian. Dan apabila dikatakan, ‘Berdirilah kamu,’
maka berdirilah, niscaya Allah akan meninggikan orang-orang yang beriman
diantara kalian dan orang-orang yang diberi ilmu pengetahuan beberapa derajat.
Dan Allah Maha Mengetahui atas apa yang kalian kerjakan.” (Qs. Al-Mujadilah:
11)
Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam juga pernah bersabda,
إِنَّ اللهَ يَرْفَعُ بِهَـذَا
الْكِـتَابِ أَقْوَامًا وَيَضَعُ بِهِ آخَرِيْنَ
.
Artinya: “Sesungguhnya Allah mengangkat dengan Al-Qur’an beberapa kaum
dan Allah pun merendahkan beberapa kaum dengannya.” [Hadits shahih,
diriwayatkan oleh Muslim (no. 817) dari ‘Umar bin Al-Khaththab radhiyallahu’anhu]
Dalil di atas dengan menegaskan bahwa orang yang berilmu dan mengamalkannya
maka kedudukannya akan diangkat oleh Allah di dunia dan akan dinaikkan
derajatnya di akhirat.
Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla menolak persamaan antara orang-orang yang
memiliki ilmu dengan orang-orang yang tidak memiliki ilmu. Sebagaimana Dia
menolak persamaan antara para penghuni Surga dengan para penghuni Neraka. Allah
berfirman,
قُـلْ هَـلْ يَسْتَوِى الَّذِيْنَ
يَعْلَمُونَ وَالَّذِيْنَ لاَ يَعْلَمُونَۗ …
Artinya: “Katakanlah: Apakah sama orang-orang yang mengetahui dengan
orang-orang yang tidak mengetahui?” (Qs. Az-Zumar: 9)
Ayat di atas berbentuk kalimat tanya, akan tetapi pada hakikatnya
mengandung arti pengingkaran. Karena orang yang berilmu dan orang yang tidak
berilmu tidak akan pernah setara kedudukannya. Yang dapat memahami maksud
tersebut hanyalah orang yang cerdas, sehingga dia dapat mengetahui nilai ilmu,
kedudukan dan keutamannya. [Lihat Bahjatun Nazhirin (II/462) dan Syarah
Riyadhush Shalihin Terjemah (IV/284)]
Sementara itu, dalam firman-Nya yang lain, Allah Ta’ala menyatakan,
لاَيَسْتَوِى أَصْحَبُ النَّارِ
وَأَصْحَبُ الْجَنَّةِۗ …
Artinya: “Tidak sama (antara) para penghuni Neraka dengan para penghuni
Surga…” (Qs. Al-Hasyr: 20)
Ini menunjukkan tentang puncak dari keutamaan dan kemuliaan orang yang
berilmu. Bahkan, karena kemuliaan ilmu, Allah membolehkan kita untuk memakan
hasil buruan anjing yang terlatih (untuk berburu) dan mengharamkan memakan
buruan anjing yang tidak terlatih. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam firman Allah Ta’ala,
يَسْـئَلُوْنَكَ مَاذَآ أُحِـلَّ
لَهُمْۗ قُلْ أَحِـلَّ لَكُمُ الطَّيِّبَتُ وَمَاعَلَّمْتُمْ مِنَ الْجَوَارِحِ
مُكَلِّبِيْنَ تُعَـلِّمُوْنَهُنَّ مِمَّا عَلَّمَكُمُ اللهُ فَـكُلُوْا مِمَّآ
أَمْسَكْنَ عَلَيْكُمْ وَاذْكُرُوااسْمَ اللهِ عَلَيْهِۖ وَاتَّقُوااللهَۗ إِنَّ
اللهَ سَرِيْعُ الْحِسَابِ
Artinya: “Mereka menanyakan kepadamu: ‘Apakah yang dihalalkan bagi
mereka?’ Katakanlah: ‘Dihalalkan bagimu yang baik-baik dan (buruan yang
ditangkap) oleh binatang buas yang telah kamu ajar dengan melatih nya untuk
berburu; kamu mengajarnya menurut apa yang telah diajarkan Allah kepadamu. Maka
makanlah dari apa yang ditangkapnya untukmu, dan sebutlah nama Allah atas
binatang buas itu (waktu melepaskannya). dan bertakwalah kepada Allah,
Sesungguhnya Allah amat cepat hisab-Nya.’”(Qs. Al-Ma’idah: 4)
Ayat di atas menunjukkan bahwa binatang menjadi mulia karena ilmu dan
diberi kedudukan yang berbeda dengan binatang yang tidak berilmu. Seandainya
bukan karena keutamaan ilmu, niscaya hasil buruan anjing yang terlatih dan
tidak terlatih statusnya sama, yakni haram hukumnya untuk dikonsumsi. Akan
tetapi, hewan yang ditangkap anjing pemburu statusnya halal, tidak sebagaimana
hasil buruan anjing liar.
Jika kedudukan binatang saja bisa mengalami kenaikan karena ilmu, bagaimana
halnya dengan kedudukan seorang manusia yang jelas-jelas kedudukannya lebih
tinggi dan lebih mulia dari pada binatang?
Pada kesempatan kali ini, dengan memohon taufik kepada Allah Jalla
Dzikruhu,penulis akan menghadirkan pembahasan mengenai nikmat dan keutamaan
para pemilik ilmu beserta dengan hukum dan macam-macam ilmu dalam tinjauan
syari’at.
DEFINISI ILMU DAN TINGKATANNYA
Ilmu adalah mengetahui sesuatu dengan yakin sesuai dengan pengetahuan yang
sebenarnya. [Lihat Syarah Tsalatsatil Ushul (hal. 18), Syarh Ushul
min ‘Ilmil Ushul (hal. 75), Ushul Fiqh Terjemah (hal. 24), dan Menuntut
Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 16)]
Ilmu pada hakikatnya terbagi menjadi dua, yaitu:
1. Ilmu dharuri, adalah pengetahuan tentang suatu hal tanpa
memerlukan penelitian dan pembuktian dengan menggunakan dalil (keterangan). Contohnya:
pengetahuan bahwa api itu panas.
2. Ilmu nazhari, adalah pengetahuan tentang suatu hal yang didahului
oleh penelitian dan pembuktian dengan menggunakan dalil. Contohnya: pengetahuan
tentang tata cara wudhu dan shalat.
Adapun tingkatan ilmu yang dimiliki oleh seseorang terbagi dalam enam
tingkatan, yaitu:
1. Al-‘Ilmu, maksudnya adalah mengetahui sesuatu dengan yakin sesuai dengan kenyataan
yang sebenarnya.
2. Al-Jahlul Basith, maksudnya adalah tidak memiliki pengetahuan tentang
sesuatu hal tertentu, sama sekali.
3. Al-Jahlul Murakkab, maksudnya tidak memiliki pengetahuan tentang sesuatu hal
tertentu, namun dia mengaku memiliki pengetahuan tentang itu, padahal keliru
dan tidak sesuai dengan realita. Disebut murakkab yang artinya
bertingkat, karena terdapat dua kebodohan sekaligus pada orang tersebut, yaitu
bodoh karena dia tidak mengetahui yang sebenarnya dan bodoh karena dia
beranggapan bahwa dia mengetahui yang sebenarnya, padahal dia tidak mengetahui.
4. Azh-Zhann, maksudnya adalah mengetahui sesuatu yang kemungkinan benarnya lebih besar
dari pada salahnya. Kata yang mirip dalam bahasa kita adalah dugaan kuat.
5. Al-Wahm, maksudnya adalah mengetahui sesuatu yang kemungkinan salahnya lebih besar
dari pada benarnya. Atau mirip dengan dugaan lemah atau salah paham.
6. Asy-Syakk, maksudnya adalah mengetahui sesuatu yang kemungkinan benar dan salahnya
seimbang.
[Lihat Syarah Tsalatsatil Ushul (hal. 18-19), Syarh Ushul min
‘Ilmil Ushul (hal. 71-72), Ushul Fiqh Terjemah (hal. 25), dan Menuntut
Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 16-17)]
KEWAJIBAN MENUNTUT ILMU
Ilmu adalah sayyidul ‘amal (penghulunya amal), sehingga tidak ada
satu amalan pun yang dilakukan tanpa didasari dengan ilmu. Sebagaimana
disebutkan dalam sebuah kaidah yang telah disepakati ummat,
اَلْعِلْمُ قَبْلَ الْقَوْلِ
وَالْعَمَلِ .
“Ilmu dahulu sebelum berkata dan berbuat.”
[Lihat Shahih Al-Bukhari, Kitab Al-Ilmu, Bab Al-‘Ilmu
Qablal Qaul wal ‘Amal (I/119)]
Ilmu juga merupakan makanan pokok bagi jiwa, yang karenanya jiwa akan
menjadi hidup dan jasad akan memiliki adab. Oleh karena itu, Islam mewajibkan
ummatnya, baik laki-laki maupun perempuan, untuk menuntut ilmu. Dan hal ini
telah ditegaskan oleh Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam dalam
sabdanya,
طَلَبُ الْعِلْمِ فَرِيْضَةٌ عَلَى
كُلِّ مُسْلِمٍ .
“Menuntut ilmu wajib bagi setiap Muslim.”
[Hadits shahih li ghairihi, diriwayatkan Ibnu Majah (no. 224), dari
jalur Anas bin Malik radhiyallahu’anhu. Hadits ini diriwayatkan pula
oleh sekelompok para shahabat, seperti Ali bin Abi Thalib, ‘Abdullah bin
‘Abbas, ‘Abdullah bin ‘Umar, ‘Abdullah bin Mas’ud, Abu Sa’id Al-Khudriy,
Al-Husain bin ‘Ali, dan Jabir radhiyallahu’anhum. Para ulama ahli hadits
telah menerangkan jalur-jalur hadits ini dalam kitab-kitab mereka, seperti:
Imam As-Suyuthi dalam kitab Juz Thuruqi Hadits Tholabil Ilmi Faridhotun ’Ala
Kulli Muslimin, Imam Ibnul Jauzi dalam kitab Al-Wahiyat (I/67-71),
Imam Ibnu ‘Abdil Barr dalam kitab Jami’ Bayanil ‘Ilmi wa Fadhlihi (I/69-97),
dan Syaikh Al-Albani dalam kitab Takhrij Musykilah Al-Faqr (hal. 48-62)]
Tidak diragukan lagi bahwa kebutuhan seseorang terhadap ilmu lebih besar
dari kebutuhannya terhadap makan dan minum, seperti pernah dikatakan oleh Imam
Ahmad bin Hanbal rahimahullah,
الناس إلي العلم أحوج منهم إلى الطعام
والشراب لأنهم يحتاجون إليها في اليوم مرة أو مرتين وحاجتهم إلي العلم بعدد
اأنفاسهم
“Manusia sangat membutuhkan ilmu dari pada (mereka) membutuhkan makanan
dan minuman, karena makanan dan minuman hanya dibutuhkan sehari sekali atau dua
kali, sementara ilmu dibutuhkan sepanjang nafasnya.” [Lihat Thabaqat
Al-Hanabilah (I/146), Al-‘Ilmu Fadhluhu wa Syarafuhu (hal. 91), dan Menuntut
Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 55-56)]
Selain itu, Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam pun
mendakwahkan Islam kepada para Shahabat atas dasar ilmu. Sebagaimana Allah ‘Azza
wa Jalla telah berfirman,
قُلْ هَـذِهِ سَبِيْلِى أَدْعُواإِلَى
اللهِۚ عَلَى بَصِيْرَةٍ أَنَا وَمَنِ اتَّبَعَنِىۖ …
Artinya: “Katakanlah (Muhammad), ‘Inilah jalanku yang lurus, aku dan
orang-orang yang mengikutiku mengajak (kamu) kepada Allah dengan ilmu.’”
(Qs. Yusuf: 108)
Imam Ibnu Katsir rahimahullah menjelaskan bahwa Rasulullah shallallahu
‘alaihi wa sallam menyeru manusia kepada agama Allah atas dasar ilmu (بصيرة ),
keyakinan (يقين ), dalil syar’i (برهان شرعي ), dan dalil aqli (عقلي ). [Lihat Tafsir
Ibnu Katsir (IV/422)]
ILMU YANG WAJIB DICARI
Tidak setiap ilmu boleh untuk dicari dan dipelajari, sebab ada ilmu yang
dilarang untuk dipelajari. Hanya ilmu yang bermanfaat sajalah yang boleh untuk
dicari dan dipelajari. Karena ilmu yang bermanfaat menempati kedudukan yang
terpuji, seperti kisah Nabi Adam ‘alaihis salam yang diajarkan oleh
Allah Ta’ala tentang nama-nama segala sesuatu, kemudian Nabi Adam
memberitahukannya kepada para Malaikat dan para Malaikat pun berkata,
قَالُوا سُبْحَـنَكَ لاَ عِلْمَ لَنَآ
إِلاَّ مَاعَلَّمْتَنَآۖ إِنَكَ أَنْتَ الْعَلِيْمُ الْحَكِيْمُ
Artinya: “Mereka menjawab, ‘Mahasuci Engkau, tidak ada yang kami ketahui
selain apa yang telah Engkau ajarkan kepada kami, sesungguhnya Engkau-lah Yang
Maha Mengetahui lagi Mahabijaksana.’” (Qs. Al-Baqarah: 32)
Demikian juga disebutkan dalam kisah Nabi Musa ‘alaihis salam dengan
Nabi Khidhir ‘alaihis salam, sebagaimana termaktub dalam firman Allah Ta’ala
berikut,
فَوَجَدَا عَبْـدًا مِّنْ
عِبَـادِنَـآاَتَيْنَـهُ رَحْمَةً مِّنْ عِنْـدِنَـا وَعَلَّمْنَـهُ مِنْ
لَّـدُنَّا عِلْمًا قَالَ لَهُ مُوسَى هَـلْ أَتَّبِعُـكَ عَلَى أَنْ
تُعَلِّمَنِ مِمَّا عُلِّمْتَ رُشْـدًا
Artinya: “Lalu mereka berdua bertemu dengan seorang hamba diantara
hamba-hamba Kami, yang telah Kami berikan rahmat kepadanya dari sisi Kami, dan
yang telah Kami ajarkan ilmu kepadanya dari sisi Kami. Musa berkata kepadanya.
‘Bolehkah aku mengikutimu agar engkau mengajarkan kepadaku ilmu yang benar
diantara ilmu-ilmu yang telah diajarkan kepadamu sebagai petunjuk?’” (Qs.
Al-Kahfi: 65-66)
Semua ayat di atas berbicara tentang ilmu yang bermanfaat.
Hanya saja, tidak semua orang bisa mendapatkan manfaat dari ilmu yang
bermanfaat ini. Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla menyebutkan tentang keadaan suatu
kaum yang diberikan ilmu, tetapi ilmu yang ada pada mereka tidak memberi
manfaat sama sekali bagi mereka. Padahal, ilmu yang mereka miliki adalah ilmu
yang bermanfaat, namun demikian mereka tidak dapat mengambil manfaat dari ilmu
tersebut. Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam firman Allah Jalla Dzikruhu,
مَثَـلُ الَّذِيْنَ حُـمِّلُوا
التَّوْرَىةَ ثُـمَّ لَـمْ يَحْـمِلُوهَاكَمَـثَـلِ الْحِـمَارِ يَحْمِـلُ
أَسْفَـارَاۚ بِئْـسَ مَثَـلُ الْقَـوْمِ الَّذِيْنَ كَـذَّ بُوْا بِـئَا يَتِ
اللهِۚ وَاللهُ لاَ يَهْـدِى الْقَـوْمَ الظَّـلِمِيْنَ
Artinya: “Perumpamaan orang-orang yang diberi tugas membawa Taurat,
kemudian mereka tidak membawanya (tidak mengamalkannya) adalah seperti keledai
yang membawa kitab-kitab yang tebal. Sangatlah buruk perumpamaan kaum yang
mendustakan ayat-ayat Allah itu. Dan Allah tidak memberi petunjuk kepada
orang-orang yang zhalim.” (Qs. Al-Jumu’ah: 5)
Sedangkan ilmu yang tidak bermanfaat adalah ilmu yang menjadi penyakit
dalam agama dan memiliki kecenderungan untuk menjerumuskan manusia ke dalam
kesesatan, seperti ilmu kalam (logika), ilmu filsafat, dan semisalnya. Selain
itu, ada juga ilmu yang tercela, seperti ilmu sihir dan perdukunan. Ilmu
tersebut merupakan ilmu yang tidak bermanfaat bagi kehidupan manusia di dunia
apalagi di akhirat. Allah Tabaraka wa Ta’ala berfirman,
وَيَتَعَـلَّمُونَ مَـا يَضُـرُّهُمْ
وَلاَ يَنْفَعُهُمْۚ وَلَقَـدْ عَلِمُوا لَمَنِ اشْتَرَىهُ مَالَهُ فَى
الْأَخِـرَةِ مِنْ خَلَقِۚ وَلَبِئْسَ مَاشَـرَوْا بِهِ أَنْفُـسَـهُمْۚ
لَوْكَـانُوْا يَعْـلَمُونَ
وَيَتَعَلَّمُونَ مَا يَضُرُّهُمْ وَلا
يَنْفَعُهُمْ وَلَقَدْ عَلِمُوا لَمَنِ اشْتَرَاهُ مَا لَهُ فِي الآخِرَةِ مِنْ
خَلاقٍ وَلَبِئْسَ مَا شَرَوْا بِهِ أَنْفُسَهُمْ لَوْ كَانُوا يَعْلَمُونَ (١٠٢)
Artinya: “Dan mereka mempelajari sesuatu yang mencelakakan dan tidak
memberi manfaat. Dan sesungguhnya mereka telah meyakini bahwa barang siapa yang
menukarnya (Kitabullah) dengan sihir itu, niscaya tidak mendapat keuntungan di
akhirat. Sungguh sangat buruk perbuatan mereka yang menjual dirinya dengan
sihir, sekiranya mereka mengetahui.” (Qs. Al-Baqarah: 102)
Yahya bin ‘Ammar rahimahullah pernah berkata, “Ilmu itu ada lima
(jenis), yaitu: (1) ilmu yang menjadi ruh (kehidupan) bagi agama, yaitu ilmu
tauhid; (2) ilmu yang merupakan santapan agama, yaitu ilmu yang mempelajari
tentang makna-makna Al-Qur’an dan hadits; (3) ilmu yang menjadi obat
(penyembuh) bagi agama, yaitu ilmu fatwa. Ketika seseorang tertimpa sebuah
musibah maka ia membutuhkan orang yang mampu menyembuhkannya dari musibah
tersebut, sebagaimana pernah dikatakan oleh Ibnu Mas’ud radhiyallahu’anhu. (4)
ilmu yang menjadi penyakit dalam agama, yaitu ilmu kalam dan bid’ah, dan (5)
ilmu yang merupakan kebinasaan bagi agama, yaitu ilmu sihir dan yang
semisalnya.” [Lihat Majmu’ Fatawa (X/145-146), Siyar A’lamin
Nubala’ (XVII/482), dan Menuntut Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal.
28-29)]
Demikianlah perbedaan antara ilmu yang bermanfaat dan ilmu yang tidak
bermanfaat.
Adapun pengertian dari ilmu yang bermanfaat adalah ilmu yang diturunkan
oleh Allah Subhanahu wa Ta’ala kepada Rasul-Nya shallallahu ‘alaihi
wa sallam berupa keterangan dan petunjuk, dimana mempelajari ilmu ini
berhak mendapatkan pujian dan sanjungan. [Lihat Kitabul ‘Ilmi (hal. 13),
Menuntut Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 15), Bahjatun Nazhirin (II/461),
dan Syarah Riyadhush Shalihin Terjemah (IV/281)]
Imam Al-Auza’i rahimahullah berkata, “Ilmu (yang bermanfaat)
adalah apa yang berasal dari para Shahabat Nabi shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam.
Dan apa saja yang datang bukan dari salah seorang dikalangan mereka maka itu
bukanlah ilmu (yang bermanfaat).” [Lihat Jami’ Bayanil ‘Ilmi (I/500,
no. 1067 dan I/617, no. 1421), Fadhlu ‘Ilmi Salaf (hal. 42), Bahjatun
Nazhirin (II/461), Syarah Riyadhush Shalihin Terjemah (IV/283), dan Menuntut
Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 16 dan 22)]
Syaikhul Islam Ibnu Taimiyyah rahimahullah pun pernah berkata, “Ilmu
adalah apa yang dibangun di atas dalil, dan ilmu yang bermanfaat adalah ilmu
yang dibawa oleh Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam. Terkadang ada ilmu
yang tidak berasal dari Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam, namun dalam
urusan duniawi, seperti ilmu kedokteran, ilmu hitung (matematika), ilmu
pertanian, dan ilmu perdagangan.” [Lihat Majmu’ Al-Fatawa (VI/388
dan XIII/136), Madarijus Salikin (II/488), dan Menuntut Ilmu Jalan
Menuju Surga (hal. 20-21)]
Al-Hafizh Ibnu Qayyim Al-Jauziyyah rahimahullah pernah berkata, “Ilmu
adalah firman Allah, sabda Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam, dan
perkataan para Shahabat.” [Lihat I’lamul Muwaqqi’in (II/149) dan Menuntut
Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga (hal. 22)]
Adapun ilmu yang bersifat keduniawian, seperti ilmu kedokteran, ilmu
pertanian, ilmu ekonomi, dan yang lainnya, ada yang sangat dibutuhkan ummat
Muslim. Namun, ilmu-ilmu tersebut tidak termasuk dalam kategori ilmu syar’i,
sebagaimana disebutkan dalam dalil yang tercantum dalam Al-Qur’an dan
As-Sunnah. Karena itu, hukum menuntut ilmu duniawi tergantung kepada tujuan dan
kebutuhannya, apabila tujuannya adalah untuk ketaatan kepada Allah maka hal itu
akan menjadi baik dan apabila dengan mempelajarinya dapat memenuhi kebutuhan
kaum muslimin maka hal itu dapat menjadi wajib. [Lihat Kitabul ‘Ilmi (hal.
13-14)]
Dengan demikian, kita dapat membagi hukum menuntut ilmu menjadi tiga,
yaitu:
1. Fardhu ‘ain, dimana hukumnya adalah wajib untuk
diketahui oleh setiap individu. Ilmu yang tercakup dalam hukum ini adalah semua
ilmu syar’i yang yang menjadi pengetahuan dasar tentang agama, baik
permasalahan ushul (asas) seperti akidah, tauhid dan manhaj, sampai
permasalahan furu’ (cabang) seperti shalat, zakat, sedekah, haji, dan
semisalnya.
2. Fardhu kifayah, dimana hukumnya tidak wajib atas
setiap individu, sebab tidak mungkin semua orang dapat mempelajarinya. Kalaupun
diwajibkan atas setiap individu, tidak semua orang dapat melakukannya, bahkan
mungkin saja dapat menghambat jalan hidup mereka. Oleh karena itu, hanya
sebagian orang saja yang diberi kemudahan oleh Allah untuk mempelajarinya
dengan rahmat dan hikmah-Nya.
Apabila sebagian orang telah mengetahui dan mempelajarinya maka gugurlah
kewajiban lainnya. Namun, jika tidak ada seorang pun diantara mereka yang
mengetahui dan mempelajarinya, padahal mereka amat membutuhkan ilmu tersebut
maka mereka semua berdosa karenanya.
Contohnya adalah ilmu hadits, ilmu tafsir, ilmu waris, ilmu kedokteran,
ilmu pertanian, ilmu fiqih, ilmu pemerintahan, dan lain sebagainya. [Lihat Tafsir
Al-Qurthubi (VIII/187), Thariq ilal ‘Ilmi As-Subulun Naji’ah li Thalabil
‘Ulumin Nafi’ah (hal. 18-19), dan Menuntut Ilmu Jalan Menuju Surga
(hal. 6-7 dan 17)]
3. Haram, dimana hukumnya terlarang untuk dicari dan dipelajari, karena akan membawa
pelakunya kepada kesesatan, kemaksiatan, bahkan kesyirikan kepada Allah Jalla
wa ‘Ala. Diantara ilmu yang termasuk dalam hukum ini adalah ilmu sihir.
Sebagaimana disebutkan dalam firman Allah ‘Azza wa Jalla,
وَ يَتَعَـلَّمُونَ مَـا يَضُـرُّهُمْ
وَلاَ يَنْفَعُهُمْۚ وَلَقَـدْ عَلِمُوا لَمَنِ اشْتَرَىهُ مَالَهُ فَى
الْأَخِـرَةِ مِنْ خَلَقِۚ وَلَبِئْسَ مَاشَـرَوْا بِهِ أَنْفُـسَـهُمْۚ
لَوْكَـانُوْا يَعْـلَمُونَ
Artinya: “Dan mereka mempelajari sesuatu yang mencelakakan dan tidak
memberi manfaat. Dan sesungguhnya mereka telah meyakini bahwa barang siapa yang
menukarnya (Kitabullah) dengan sihir itu, niscaya tidak mendapat keuntungan di
akhirat. Sungguh sangat buruk perbuatan mereka yang menjual dirinya dengan
sihir, sekiranya mereka mengetahui.” (Qs. Al-Baqarah: 102)
Dan Rasulullah shallallahu ‘alaihi wa sallam pun telah bersabda,
إِجْتَنِـبُوا السَّبْعَ
الْمُوبِقَـاتِ، قَالُوا: يَـا رَسُولَ اللهِ وَمَـاهُنَّ؟ قَـالَ: الشَّرْكُ
بِاللهِ، وَالسِّحْرُ، وَقَـتْلُ النَّفْسِ الَّتِي حَرَّمَ اللهَ إِلاَّ بِالْحَقِّ،
وَأَكْلُ الرِّبَـا، وَأَكْلُ مَـالِ الْيَتِيْـمِ، وَالتَّوَ لَّيْ يَوْمَ
الزَّحْفِ، وَقَـذْفُ الْمُحْصَنَـاتِ الْمُؤْمِنَاتِ الْغَافِلاَتِ .
Artinya: “Hindarilah (oleh kalian) tujuh perkara
yang membinasakan.’ Mereka bertanya, ‘Apakah itu wahai Rasulullah?’ Beliau
bersabda, ‘Menyekutukan Allah, sihir, membunuh jiwa yang diharamkan oleh
Allah kecuali dengan cara yang benar, memakan harta riba, memakan harta anak
yatim, lari dari medan perang, dan melempar tuduhan zina kepada wanita mukminah
yang terjaga kesucian dan kehormatannya dari perbuatan dosa dan
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